Wednesday, March 01, 2006


Teach Dáithí Ó Conaill, 223 Parnell Street, Dublin 1,
Phone: +353-1-872 9747; FAX: +353-1-872 9757; e-mail:
Date: 1 Márta / March 2006

Internet resources maintained by SAOIRSE-Irish Freedom

Irish Republican Information Service
THE body styling itself 'Limerick Republican
Information Service' is not connected with the Irish
Republican Information Service (IRIS), 223 Parnell
Street, Dublin 1, email and has not
been authorised either by IRIS or by the body that
sponsors IRIS, Republican Sinn Féin. Therefore it is
totally unauthorised and should be regarded as such.

In this issue:
1. Republican Sinn Féin protest at loyalist march
2. Republican prisoner victimised in Maghaberry jail
3. Another Basque political prisoner killed by Spanish
4. Call for investigation into DNA evidence of
loyalist murders
5. M15 withheld information from RUC on Omagh
6. Three bricklayers released from jail
7. Successful function in Lurgan
8. Prisons for profit


THE 26-County political establishment once more
demonstrated the gulf of understanding that lies
between them and ordinary Irish people when they chose
to ignore warnings of serious disturbance if they
allowed a loyalist march proceed through the centre of

In the aftermath of the riots, which ensued on
February 25, and the abandonment of the loyalist march
Republican Sinn Féin pointed to where the true
responsibility for the chaos in Dublin lay. In a
statement RSF Vice President Des Dalton said: "The
scenes witnessed in Dublin today only serve to
illustrate how out of touch the 26-County political
establishment was with the depth of opposition to the
routing of a loyalist march through Dublin.

"Indeed 26-County Justice Minister Michael McDowell's
willingness to meet with the organisers of this march
while at the same time refusing to meet with the
relatives of those killed in the British-directed
loyalist Dublin and Monaghan bombs or the relatives of
the Stardust tragedy, only serves to further highlight
the gulf that exists between the 26-County political
establishment and the views of ordinary Irish people.

The people of Dublin have shown their rejection of the
ideology of sectarian hatred and bigotry represented
by those who organised this march. The routing of such
a march through Dublin was a completely irresponsible
act with scant thought given to the consequences or
the dangers it posed to people."

Since the march was first mooted in December of 2005
Republican Sinn Féin made it clear it intended to
protest. On February 22 it held a press conference in
Dublin to announce details of its protest however most
of the Dublin based media chose to ignore it. The
February edition of the newspaper SAOIRSE under the
headline "Oppose Loyalist march" called on people to
support a protest against the march as well as
outlining the three reasons why Republican Sinn Féin
were organising a protest.
These were also included in a leaflet distributed at
the protest and were:

* "One of the bodies sponsoring the Loyalist march,
FAIR, claims a near monopoly on suffering in Ireland
over the past 40 years. The facts are more than 1,000
innocent uninvolved nationalists were killed by
British-backed loyalist death squads. Of the 698
Protestants killed during the conflict in the Six
Counties 340 died at the hands of loyalists. FAIR
should be marching on the UDA and UVF in Belfast
rather than through the centre of Dublin.

* Republicans stand in solidarity with the beleaguered
nationalists of the Garvaghy Road, Ardoyne, Dunloy and
other such areas. The 26-County administration by
collaborating with this march has in effect turned its
back on all, north and south, who suffered at the
hands of British-backed loyalist death squads down the
* The question which has not been asked is whether
nationalist parades, of whatever kind, or even Civil
Rights marches would be allowed through the centre of
Portadown or Belfast's Royal Avenue? The British
forces would certainly block them.
* When the British Government finally leaves Ireland,
there will no longer be a question of supremacy of
Unionists over Nationalists and all interests will be
welcome to parade wherever they chose."

On the day RSF carried out all of the activities they
said would, this included gathering in Talbot Street,
Dublin at the Memorial to the victims of the loyalist
bombing of Dublin and Monaghan in May, 1974 in which
34 died.

Republican Sinn Féin President, Ruairí Ó Brádaigh,
read out the names of the victims and he also read out
the names of 13 civilians who were murdered in the
26-Counties by loyalist death squads.

He recalled having been at the funerals of the victims
and that he has attended the unveiling of the
memorials in 1991. He pointed out that the 26-County
administration had refused to meet with the victim's
families and that it was only in the past two weeks
that Bertie Ahern agreed to meet with the relatives of
the Stardust fire which claimed the lives of 48 young
people in 1981.

A minutes silence was observed when Ruairí Ó Brádaigh
laid a wreath after which those assembled made their
way to O'Connell Street where at the Parnell Monument
many more members, supporters and members of the
general public gathered with placards to oppose the
loyalist march from Parnell Square to Leinster House
where representatives of the Orange Order were to meet
with Michael McDowell, the 26-County justice minister.

A banner which read Unite Protestant Catholic &
Dissenter...To break the Connection with England was
carried by members of Dublin Republican Sinn Féin.

The lambeg drums could be clearly heard from the top
of Parnell Square where, dressed in full loyalist
regalia and carrying the Union Jack, the bands
assembled. Within a short time trouble flared between
groups of protestors who emerged from side streets
and were not part of the RSF protest, and the
26-County police - many of whom were in full riot
gear. It soon became obvious that the loyalist march
would not be going ahead due mainly to the large
numbers of people protesting.

Republican Sinn Féin continued their protest at the
Parnell Monument and later moved to Cavendish Row
until the loyalists boarded their busses and left
Parnell Square.

The loyalists were bussed to Leinster House and the
bands formed up there - again in full regalia and
carrying the Union Jack. However a crowd of protestors
having been told by the 26-County police that the
Loyalists had been bussed to Leinster House followed
them there and they had to pack up once again. However
representatives of the march held a meeting with
Michael McDowell in the Berkley Court Hotel.

In the days that followed Republican Sinn Féin, who
throughout had provided leadership and a political
focus to those opposed to the loyalist march deflected
attempts by the 26-County administration to blame them
for the riots. In interviews and statements on all of
the national as well as some international media
Republican Sinn Féin spokespeople including its
President, Ruairí O Brádaigh, its two Vice Presidents
Josephine Hayden and Des Dalton as well as publicity
Director Ruairí Óg Ó Brádaigh highlighted that the
26-County political establishment had lost touch with
ordinary Irish people in their rush to normalise
British rule in Ireland as well as appease
Unionism/Loyalism and its sectarian ideology.

On March 1, Ruairí Ó Brádaigh, President, Republican
Sinn Féin, in a statement, refuted false accusations
made in Leinster House:

"A police report of a planned sit-down protest by
Republican Sinn Féin on the occasion of last
Saturday's (February 25) loyalist march which has been
quoted in Leinster House is without foundation. It is
mere speculation and is not true.

"The matter of the loyalist march through the centre
of Dublin was discussed repeatedly at Ard-Chomhairle
meetings. Our information on the growing level of
disquiet and opposition to it was much more accurate
than that which it appears was available to the
"powers that be".

"We sought to give this situation a political focus
and the sole woman staff member who was in An
Ard-Oifig on Monday, February 20 did not refuse to
give the facts to a Garda Inspector when he visited
without notice.

"All was in the open and was carried on the front page
of the January and February issues of SAOIRSE.
Republican Sinn Féin carried out its protest picket as
planned and departed from the scene in an orderly
manner when the march was cancelled.

"Earlier we had laid a wreath at the memorial to the
33 people killed in the Dublin-Monaghan loyalist
bombings in 1974. All through our time in Cavendish
Row we were corralled off by police barriers and an
open space from the crowd which gathered in O'Connell

"In point of fact we were never in O'Connell Street
but located ourselves in Cavendish Row, a small street
which connects Parnell Square and O'Connell Street.
Banner, placards and leaflets were all there for
public scrutiny and the media were constantly in
attendance throughout our presence there and can vouch
for what we are saying.

"The principal leaflet was entitled "An address to the
People of Ireland" which made a special appeal to
those of the Unionist political persuasion. It asked
them to reconsider our ÉIRE NUA programme for a new
four-province Federal Ireland including a nine-county
Ulster in which unionists would have a working
majority, but nationalists would be within reach of

"We held a press conference three days earlier
(Wednesday, February 22) in a Dublin hotel at which we
gave interviews to UTV among others. Nothing was
hidden but false accusations have been made. Rumour
and public house talk is no substitute for accurate

"We declared this loyalist march to be ill-advised. We
believe any attempted repetition of it to be even more

It was reported on February 27 that loyalists
returning from the abandoned Love Ulster march in
Dublin were responsible for riots in Portadown, Co
Armagh, in the early hours of February 26. Six RUC/
PSNI officers were injured during the trouble,
involving more than 100 people in the High Street and
Edward Street areas.

Local people reported that a loyalist crowd attacked
customers leaving two nationalist-owned bars in the
town. The report said that the attackers included
several loyalist bandsmen who had been in Dublin
earlier in the day for the Love Ulster march.


STÍOFÁN Ó Dálaigh, OC of the Continuity IRA prisoners
in Maghaberry jail in Co Antrim was released on the
weekend of February 18-20 on what is termed
pre-release parole.

Upon his return to the jail on Monday, February 20 he
was sent to the punishment block for 48 hours after
prison warders said that their search dog had got a
positive scent from him for drugs. Stíofán stated
that it took all the dog-handler's strength to get the
dog to stop beside him and that the warders laughed at
the outcome.

This was a deliberate act of harassment and
humiliation by British prison warders as it is
accepted that neither Stíofán nor indeed anyone on the
Republican wing would tolerate any connection with
such substances. The prison authorities and their
warders are using this pretence of drug prevention to
harass and intimidate Republican POWs and their

In a statement on February 28 Republican Sinn Féin
said that the continued harassment of Republican
prisoners and their visitors at Maghaberry prison
would only increase the determination of the prisoners
and their supporters to continue the struggle against
British occupation.


BASQUE political prisoner Igor Angulo was found dead
on February 29, hanging from his cell window in Cuenca
Jail more than 600 klm from the Basque Country. He was
the only Basque political prisoner in Cuenca. Because
of the Spanish dispersal policy before he was
transferred to Cuenca in 2001 he was kept in six
different jails all around Spain. He was locked in his
cell for 18 hours a day. He was tortured when he was
arrested in 1996.

He is the third Basque political prisoner to be found
dead in his cell in the last year and this is a
consequence of the merciless and brutal Spanish and
French governments' prison policy against Basques.
More than 700 Basque political prisoners are kept in
80 prisons all around France and Spain suffering
beatings, isolation, medical mistreatment, dispersal
and denying of most basic rights like studying,
speaking in Basque etc.

irishbasques at and


IT was reported on February 27 that important DNA
evidence had emerged in the case of two teenagers
butchered by loyalists six years ago, prompting the
father of one of the victims to call for an inquiry
into why police did not act upon it before.

Paul McIlwaine, whose son David was murdered alongside
Andrew Robb in February 2000, called for a new Police
Ombudsman investigation last night after he was
contacted by the detective currently in charge of the
manhunt. He said the RUC/PSNI detective revealed that
a forensic review had turned up a DNA link between his
son's body and a suspect in the case.

He called on the Police Ombudsman - who reviewed the
case last year - to conduct a new inquiry to determine
why the evidence had not been available for six years.

Paul McIlwaine said last year's Ombudsman review
concluded that police had carried out "a thorough and
professional investigation" but called on the
Ombudsman "to reinvestigate this case in light of this

The RUC/PSNI refused to comment on Mr McIlwaine's
allegations, saying the case is subjudice because two
men are currently awaiting trial.

David McIlwaine (18), and 19-year-old Andrew Robb were
murdered in the early hours of February 19, 2000 by
loyalists believed to belong to the UVF.

The boys' bodies were found near Tandragee. They had
been stabbed repeatedly and their throats had been
slashed. Two years ago Paul McIlwaine raised queries
about the available evidence in the Belfast Telegraph
newspaper, citing police papers he had won access to
after a long court battle.

He said those papers indicated that substantial
forensic evidence, including DNA evidence, was
available. He previously alleged that an informer for
the security forces was among the killers.

A suspect was charged a short time after the murders
but was released months later because prosecutors said
there was insufficient evidence to secure a

Two years ago police told Paul McIlwaine that DNA
material was being resubmitted for review, and new
files were prepared for the Director of Public
Prosecutions. But the DPP concluded again that there
was not enough evidence to secure a conviction.

"We never accepted that this was the case," Paul
McElwaine said. "On the limited evidence available to
us we had a number of human rights experts
independently examine the evidence. All felt that on
the body of evidence that prosecutions should have
been taken."

Last September the case featured in the BBC's
Crimewatch programme and within weeks two men had been
charged with the murders. They are currently in
custody awaiting trial.


INFORMATION supplied to MI5 by their agent David
Rupert, who also was an FBI and Garda Special Branch
agent, four months before the Omagh bomb in 1998 was
never passed on to the RUC Special Branch according
Chief Constable Sam Kinkaid.

The information was in relation to an earlier planned
attack [in April prior to the signing of the Belfast
Agreement] on either Derry or Omagh. The intelligence
was passed on to the Gardaí in the 26 Counties and
resulted in three people being arrested.

This revelation comes at a time when responsibility
for 'national security intelligence' in the Six
Occupied Counties is being transferred to MI5 from the
Special Branch.


THREE unemployed Dublin bricklayers, William McClurg,
Keith Kelly and Andrew Clarke were released by the
High Court in Dublin on Saturday Feburary 25 after
giving an undertaking not to picket the Collen
Construction site in Ballybrack.

The three men had been jailed on February 10 for
refusing to refrain from picketing the site which
stopped work on a 77 house scheme for Dun
Laoghaire-Rathdown County Council. Collen Construction
brought the case against the men and applied for
orders to commit them to prison after they ignored a
High Court injunction restraining them from picketing
the site.

Work on two other Collen sites, University College
Dublin and the Hugh Lane Gallery, had also been
disrupted by picketing. The three men claim that
sub-contractors on Collen sites are not paying the
legal minimum rates and that they {Collen} are
refusing to employ local labour and in particular
members of the Building and Allied Trade Union (Batu).


THE Thomas Hart Cumann of Republican Sinn Féin held a
very successful Fundraiser on February 24 last.

Finance was raised towards the costs of the Belfast
office and for CABHAIR (Irish Republican Prisoners'
Dependants Fund. The event was well attended with
members from Tyrone, Derry, Armagh, and Fermanagh all
showing up to lend their support and enjoy the craic.

The music on the night was performed Foggy Dew who
were excellent throughout and a draw was held and
three lucky people scooped the three prizes, including
a framed Spirit of Freedom picture from Maghaberry
jail, a framed picture commemorating the 1916 Easter
Rising and a bottle of whiskey. Brenden Magill
auctioned off two beautiful Bodhrán, one with the
image off Bobby Sands, the other a Celtic football

There were several speeches on the night, amongst them
Fergal Moore stressing that the conditions in
Maghaberry were totally unacceptable for Irish
Republican POWs. He said those who were held in
Maghaberry were being held for fighting for Irish
freedom and he called on everyone to support them and
the continued fight for Irish freedom.


THIS month's announcement that the new prison complex
to replace Mountjoy will be built under a Public
Private Parnership (PPP) ushers in the era of
prisons-for-profit in Ireland.

According to a report in the Irish Times of February
4, the new prison will house at least 1,200 prisoners
and "will be designed to allow for its easy extension
in the future".
The government has called for tenders from private
companies to design, build, finance and maintain the
new facility. The contract with the private firm
chosen will run for up to 35 years.

Government enthusiasm for PPPs stems from the dubious
claim that such projects are cheaper to the state.
However, the 2004 annual report of the comptroller and
auditor general estimated the cost of PPP schools in
Ireland to be 8-13% more expensive than traditional
funding methods. The government wrongly predicted
that the use of PPP would result in a 6% savings.

Yet despite this track record - and the failure to
provide any evidence in support of its privatisation
scheme - the government plans to roll out Ireland's
first for-profit prison in 2010.



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