An Coimhlint

New Address

2006-06-19T16:58:00.000-05:00

Due to continuous trouble (interference) with this blog, I have moved it to a new address. It can now be found at:
http://irishstruggle.blogsome.com/
Thanks.

The Diary of Bobby Sands - March 9, 1981

2006-03-09T15:49:00.000-06:00

Monday 9th

I have left this rather late tonight and it is cold. The priest Fr Murphy was in. I had a discussion with him on the situation. He said he enjoyed our talk and was somewhat enlightened, when he was leaving.

On the subject of priests, I received a small note from a Fr S. C. from Tralee, Kerry, and some holy pictures of Our Lady. The thought touched me. If it is the same man, I recall him giving a lecture to us in Cage 11 some years ago on the right to lift arms in defence of the freedom of one's occupied and oppressed nation. Preaching to the converted he was, but it all helps.

It is my birthday and the boys are having a sing-song for me, bless their hearts. I braved it to the door, at their request, to make a bit of a speech, for what it was worth. I wrote to several friends today including Bernie and my mother. I feel all right and my weight is 60 kgs.

I always keep thinking of James Connolly, and the great calm and dignity that he showed right to his very end, his courage and resolve. Perhaps I am biased, because there have been thousands like him but Connolly has always been the man that I looked up to.

I always have tremendous feeling for Liam Mellowes as well; and for the present leadership of the Republican Movement, and a confidence in them that they will always remain undaunted and unchanged. And again, dare I forget the Irish people of today, and the risen people of the past, they too hold a special place in my heart.

Well, I have gotten by twenty-seven years, so that is something. I may die, but the Republic of 1916 will never die. Onward to the Republic and liberation of our people.

The Diary of Bobby Sands - March 8, 1981

2006-03-08T14:13:00.000-06:00

I had intended to post an entry from the diary of
Bobby Sands each day, but since Blogger locked my
account while I was trying to publish the first entry
and did not unlock it until this afternoon, I will
start with Bobby's March 8th entry. If you wish to
read Bobby's first week of entries (and I recommend
it), you can do so here.



Sunday 8th

In a few hours time I shall be twenty-seven grand
years of age. Paradoxically it will be a happy enough
birthday; perhaps that's because I am free in spirit.
I can offer no other reason.

I was at Mass today, and saw all the lads minus their
beards, etc. An American priest said Mass and I went
to Communion. One of the lads collapsed before Mass,
but he's all right now. Another was taken out to
Musgrave military hospital. These are regular
occurrences.

I am 60.8 kgs today, and have no medical complaints.

I received another note from my sister Bernie and her
boyfriend. It does my heart good to hear from her. I
got the Irish News today, which carried some adverts
in support of the hunger-strike.

There is a stand-by doctor who examined me at the
weekend, a young man whose name I did not know up
until now. Little friendly Dr Ross has been the
doctor. He was also the doctor during the last
hunger-strike.

Dr Emerson is, they say, down with the 'flu... Dr
Ross, although friendly, is in my opinion also an
examiner of people's minds. Which reminds me, they
haven't asked me to see a psychiatrist yet. No doubt
they will yet, but I won't see him for I am mentally
stable, probably more so than he.

I read some wild-life articles in various papers,
which indeed brought back memories of the
once-upon-a-time budding ornithologist! It was a
bright pleasant afternoon today and it is a calm
evening. It is surprising what even the confined eyes
and ears can discover.

I am awaiting the lark, for spring is all but upon us.
How I listened to that lark when I was in H-5, and
watched a pair of chaffinches which arrived in
February. Now lying on what indeed is my death bed, I
still listen even to the black crows.

Loyalist March Abandoned

2006-03-08T13:25:00.000-06:00

From the March, 2006 edition of Saoirse:

The scenes witnessed in Dublin city centre on February
25 only serve to illustrate how out of touch the
26-County political establishment was with the depth
of opposition to the routing of a loyalist march
through Dublin.
Indeed 26-County Justice Minister Michael McDowell’s
willingness to meet with the organisers of this march
while at the same time refusing to meet with the
relatives of those killed in the Britishdirected
loyalist Dublin and Monaghan bombs, or the relatives
of the Stardust tragedy, only serves to further
highlight the gulf that exists between the 26-County
political establishment and the views of ordinary
Irish people.
The people of Dublin have shown their rejection of the
ideology of sectarian hatred and bigotry represented
by those who organised this march. The
routing of such a march through Dublin was a
completely irresponsible act with scant thought given
to the consequences or the dangers it posed to people.
The Leinster House establishment was quick to mobilise
its media allies in the ‘blame-game’ which followed
the disturbances and some who should have
known better fell into line with their lies. On the
following day Irish Times journalist Patsy McGarry and
Leinster House TD Finian McGrath both broadcast the
falsehood that this newspaper’s February headline was
‘Stop loyalist march’ when it actually read ‘Oppose
loyalist march’. A protest picket against the march
sought to give the situation a political focus.
Indeed, Republican Sinn Féin ordered its members not
to carry the Irish Tricolour or black flags on the
picket. Once the loyalist march was cancelled the
protest picket was over and all members dispersed
along Parnell Square.
The charge of sectarianism was also thrown about with
abandon. It is easily answered. Rev David Frazer,
Church of Ireland minister in the Meath Diocese
(and a native of Co Down) publicly opposed the
loyalist march and claimed those taking part in it
regarded some victims of the troubles as ‘righteous’
and others as not so. After the abandoned parade he
said: “The ordinary decent unionist people of the
north of Ireland should understand that this violence
was not directed against them but against a march that
was itself very provocative.”
Justice for the Forgotten, the organisation of the
relatives of the 1974 Dublin and Monaghan bombing also
came out in opposition to the march.
To those who scoffed at the Republican Sinn Féin
banner which read ‘Unite Catholic, Protestant and
Dissenter ...To Break the Connection with England’ it
should be pointed out that the Orange Order and
loyalist representatives do not represent Protestant
culture and neither are all Irish Protestants
Orangemen.

One journalist, Susan McKay, who is also a Protestant,
was the only panel member on RTÉ’s Questions and
Answers who stood up to one of the
parade organisers, Jeffrey Donaldson of the DUP.
Donaldson said he would rather have not marched than
be forced down O’Connell Street with the protection of
the riot squad. McKay asked him why then did the
unionist parties collude with loyalist death squads
and the British forces to force their Orange march
through the nationalist area of Whiterock in Belfast
last summer, causing three days of disturbances? The
mask slipped as Donaldson’s only response was to
accuse McKay of being disloyal to the Protestant
community.
On March 1, Ruairí Ó Brádaigh, President, Republican
Sinn Féin, in a statement, refuted false accusations
made in Leinster House:
“A police report of a planned sit-down protest by
Republican Sinn Féin on the occasion of last
Saturday’s (February 25) loyalist march which has been
quoted in Leinster House is without foundation. It is
mere speculation and is not true.
“The matter of the loyalist march through the centre
of Dublin was discussed repeatedly at Ard-Chomhairle
meetings. Our information on the growing level of
disquiet and opposition to it was much more accurate
than that which it appears was available to the
“powers that be”.
“We sought to give this situation a political focus
and the sole staff member who was in An Ard-Oifig on
Monday, February 20 did not refuse to give the facts
to a Garda Inspector when he visited without notice.
“All was in the open and was carried on the front page
of the January and February issues of SAOIRSE.
Republican Sinn Féin carried out its protest picket as
planned and departed from the scene in an orderly
manner when the march was cancelled.
“Earlier a delegation had laid a wreath at the
memorial to the 33 people killed in the
Dublin-Monaghan loyalist bombings in 1974. All through
our time in Cavendish Row we were corralled off by
police barriers and an open space from the crowd which
gathered in O’Connell Street.
“In point of fact we were never in O’Connell Street
but located ourselves in Cavendish Row, a small street
which connects Parnell Square and O’Connell
Street. Banner, placards and leaflets were all there
for public scrutiny and the media were constantly in
attendance throughout our presence there and can vouch
for what we are saying.
“The principal leaflet was entitled “An Address to the
People of Ireland” which made a special appeal to
those of the Unionist political persuasion. It asked
them to reconsider our ÉIRE NUA programme for a new
four-province Federal Ireland including a nine-county
Ulster in which unionists would have a working
majority, but nationalists would be within reach of
power.
“We held a press conference three days earlier
(Wednesday, February 22) in a Dublin hotel at which we
gave interviews to UTV among others. Nothing was
hidden but false accusations have been made. Rumour
and public house talk is no substitute for accurate
information.
“We declared this loyalist march to be ill-advised. We
believe any attempted repetition of it to be even more
ill-advised.”

Account Unlocked - IRISH REPUBLICAN INFORMATION SERVICE (no. 57)

2006-03-08T13:18:00.003-06:00

Well, now that Blogger, in their infinite wisdom, has finally determined that my blog is not in violation of any of their terms of agreement and has unlocked my account, I have alot of catching up to do. Thanks, Blogger... you idiots.
--------------

IRISH REPUBLICAN INFORMATION SERVICE (no. 57)
Teach Dáithí Ó Conaill, 223 Parnell Street, Dublin 1,
Ireland
Phone: +353-1-872 9747; FAX: +353-1-872 9757; e-mail:
http://us.f367.mail.yahoo.com/ym/Compose?To=saoirse@iol.ie&YY=43476&order=down&sort=date&pos=0&view=a&head=b
Date: 6 Márta / March 2006

Internet resources maintained by SAOIRSE-Irish Freedom

http://saoirse.rr.nu/


In this issue:
1. Launch of book on Ó Brádaigh
2. Loyalist death squad threaten Belfast taxi-driver
3. RUC/PSNI fire shots in Belfast
4. Belfast bookies murder weapons probe call
5. British police attacked in Derry
6. Decision not to interview murder suspects
'political'
7. Seventeen quizzed over loyalist pub raid
8. Police raid murder victim's home
9. Controversial new law applied to Hamill inquiry
10. Move to have convicted soldiers thrown out of army
11. Number of legally-held weapons in the Six Counties
12. Protesters block re-opening of pub near Stardust
site
13. Bush's Shannon stopover picketed by anti-war group
14. Sean O'Reilly acquitted of 'obstructing a federal
officer'
15.

1. LAUNCH OF BOOK ON Ó BRÁDAIGH

THE biography "Ruairí Ó Brádaigh - The Life and
Politics of an Irish Revolutionary" will be launched
by Dr Ruán O'Donnell, Department of History, Limerick
University, on April 12 - the Wednesday before Easter.

Other speakers at the launch in the Cúltúrlann,
Monkstown, Dublin at 7.30pm will include the author
Professor Robert W White of Indiana University and the
subject of the book himself, Ruairí Ó Brádaigh.

The book is in hardback and runs to 350 pages with
another 60 pages of notes and is the result of over 20
years of research and interviews with the subject. Dr
O'Donnell did extensive work for the bicentenaries of
1798 and 1803 and is now engaged in a study on the
Republican Movement in the 1950s.

2. LOYALIST DEATH SQUAD THREATEN BELFAST TAXI-DRIVER

ON March 4 a nationalist taxi driver was threatened at
gunpoint in the Ligoniel area, near north Belfast
after he picked up four men in his car in the Beldoc
area of the Crumlin Road and drove them to Ligoniel.

One of the men produced a small handgun and placed it
at the back of the driver's head and threatened him.
The man wielding the gun was 25 years of age, with
short ginger hair and a blackeye, and was wearing a
faded denim baseball cap. A struggle ensued, and the
driver managed to escape uninjured.

The four men then left the car and fled down an
alleyway at the side of McKenna`s pub. The attack on
the taxi driver bore the hallmarks of a sectarian
murder bid. It is understood the man worked for a firm
on the Antrim Road in Belfast.

The Red Hand Defenders, a known cover name for the UDA
/UFF loyalist death squad admitted trying to murder
the taxi driver and threatened to kill Republican
ex-prisoners, in a call to a Belfast newspaper, using
a recognised code word. The anonymous caller told the
newspaper it now considered all Republican
ex-prisoners "legitimate targets" from midnight on
March 3.

3. RUC/PSNI FIRE SHOTS IN BELFAST

MEMBERS of the British colonial police, the RUC/PSNI
fired two warning shots in north Belfast on March 6.
The trouble flared at about 1am when four men got out
of a car and threw bottles and other missiles at
Tennant Street RUC/PSNI station.
The police chased them into Montreal Street where a
female member of the RUC was grabbed and hit in the
face with a bottle.
About 30 people leaving a club then became involved,
attacking the British police with bricks, bottles and
other missiles, injuring four of them.
The RUC/PSNI fired two shots and one man was arrested.
Afterwards a van was set on fire at nearby Cambria
Street.

4. BELFAST BOOKIES MURDER WEAPONS PROBE CALL

THE families of five people murdered in a
British-backed loyalist gun attack on a south Belfast
bookmaker's have called on the RUC/PSNI to make public
the history of the weapons used in the attack.

Relatives of the dead gathered outside the Seán Graham
betting shop on the Ormeau Road on February 6 for a
memorial service on the 14th anniversary of the
killings.

On February 5, 1992, two Ulster Defence Association
gunmen opened fire in the bookmaker's shop with an
AK47 assault rifle and a Browning pistol. They killed
five people.

It later emerged that the UDA informer William Stobie
had given the Browning pistol to RUC detectives before
the attack.

The RUC gave the gun back to the UDA, which used the
weapon to murder a nationalist in a west Belfast pub
before using it in the Seán Graham massacre.

The AK47 had previously been used by the Ulster
Volunteer Force in a murder bid on a north Belfast
nationalist.

The British colonial police have consistently refused
to make public the full history of the weapons,
despite repeated requests from the families of the
Seán Graham victims to do so.

"There is something about those guns that they don't
want us to find out," he said. "Why else are they
refusing to disclose the full history of the weapons?
Why was this crucial information deleted in the
published version of the Cory report?

"I was shot five times in the attack. My
brother-in-law was killed, along with four other
people. I have a right to know the history of the guns
involved."

The Browning and AK47 were part of a consignment
brought into the Six-Counties in December 1987 by
British agent Brian Nelson.

The arms were divided between the UDA, UVF and the
Ulster Resistance group, which for a time had links to
Ian Paisley's Democratic Unionist Party.

The South African weapons have been used in more than
100 sectarian killings since January 1988.

5.  BRITISH POLICE ATTACKED IN DERRY

MEMBERS of the British colonial police came under
attack from a crowd of up to 20 youths in the Moss
Park and Glengalliagh Road area of Derry on March 4.
The crowd attacked two RUC/PSNI vehicles shortly
before 12.30am and tried to drag members from one of
the cars. CS spray was used to disperse the crowd and
two young men were arrested, but one managed to escape
from custody while still wearing handcuffs. One
policeman was slightly injured in the disturbances and
two RUC/PSNI vehicles were damaged.

6. DECISION NOT TO INTERVIEW MURDER SUSPECTS
'POLITICAL'

THE decision not to interview four key suspects in the
murder of a Dundalk forestry worker 30 years ago was
probably political, according to Justice Henry Barron.

A British-backed loyalist death squad, including a
member of the British army's Ulster Defence Regiment
(UDR) abducted Séamus Ludlow, aged 47, in County Louth
and shot dead on May 2, 1976, but the 26-County police
never interviewed the suspects who identified by the
RUC 18 months later.

At the Joint Leinster House Committee on Justice, on
February 16, Judge Henry Barron was asked if this
decision had been taken because of the volatile
situation at the time. "I think the reality is that it
was probably political," he replied.

In his report into Séamus Ludlow's death, Judge Barron
said it was most probable the decision not to carry
out the interviews with the Six-County-based suspects
was made by former Garda Commissioner Laurence Wren,
then head of the Garda C3 security section.

The two garda detectives who received the information
from the RUC in 1979 never received authorisation from
C3 to travel across the border to follow it up,
despite the fact that two of the suspects were in
prison and readily available for interview.

Judge Barron told the committee he stood over his
report's conclusion, despite strong denials from
Laurence Wren that he had any involvement in the
decision.

"It must have been made by the most senior member and
that was Mr Wren," he said.
The four suspects named in Judge Barron's report -
Paul Hosking, James Fitzsimmons, Richard Long and
Samuel Carroll - were arrested in the Six-Counties in
1998, but the Six-County DPP decided not to prosecute
them because of insufficient evidence.

Judge Barron said he would like to have seen the RUC
files on the Ludlow murder while compiling his report,
but this was not possible because he got no
co-operation from the British authorities.

The family of Séamus Ludlow, who have travelled from
Dundalk to attend each committee hearing, are calling
for a full public inquiry into his murder.

Judge Barron's fourth and final report, into bombings
in Dundalk in the 1970s, is almost complete, but its
publication may be delayed to see if the names of
those allegedly responsible can be included.

7. SEVENTEEN QUIZZED OVER LOYALIST PUB RAID

ON March 2 members of the RUC/PSNI arrested 17
following a raid on a north Belfast pub, believed to
be an operation against the loyalist Ulster Defence
Association.

Armed RUC/PSNI using CS gas stormed the Alexander Bar
in Tigers Bay, north Belfast, where it is understood
the Ulster Defence Association (UDA) was rehearsing
for a so-called show of strength. It is understood an
event was being planned for some time this weekend.

It was later reported that  two leading loyalists who
have had talks with Bertie Ahern and 26-County
President Mary McAleese's husband were among the 17
people arrested.
South Belfast UDA leader Jackie McDonald and Ihab
Shoukri, brother of north Belfast UDA leader Andre,
were among those detained for questioning.

McDonald and Shoukri were part of an Ulster Political
Research Group (UPRG) delegation that held talks with
Bertie Ahern in 2004.

Martin McAleese has met the pair on a number of
occasions - the most recent of which was last month -
in an attempt to get the UDA declare and end to
paramilitary activity.

He also played a round of golf with McDonald at the
exclusive K Club, Co Kildare, and Mrs McAleese
embraced him during a visit to south Belfast last
year.

Eleven of those arrested were remanded in custody on
March 6 at  Belfast Magistrates' Court. The court was
packed as the suspects appeared in the dock one by one
to face charges of helping to set up a meeting of the
UDA and Ulster Freedom Fighters.

Before the men appeared, magistrate Des Perry warned
he would clear the courtroom if any disturbances broke
out.

Four of the accused: John Davis, 48, of Glebe Manor,
Glengormley; Alan McClean, 19, of Westland Drive; Gary
McKenzie, 34, of Claire Heights; and Samuel Robinson,
37, of Arosa Crescent, all of Belfast, were charged
with assisting in arranging or managing a meeting in
support of a proscribed organisation - the UDA or UFF.

The other seven were accused of the same offence plus
an additional charge of dressing like a member of the
banned groups.

They were: Stephen Crawford, 21, of Hillview Avenue
and Robert Neill, 21, from Fairview Crescent, both
Newtownabbey; George McHenry, 38, of Ardoyne Road;
Gary Dunseath, 22, from Upper Canning Street; James
Fisher, 36, of Alliance Road; Mark Green, 23, of
Hogarth Street; and Gary Dicks, 21, from Glenrosa
Street, all of Belfast.

Shoukri was among six other men and a woman questioned
as part of the police operation who have been released
while further reports are prepared for the Public
Prosecution Service.

All 11 men were remanded in custody to appear again
via videolink on April 3.

8. POLICE RAID MURDER VICTIM'S HOME

THE family of a murdered father-of-six condemned the
RUC/PSNI on March 2 for carrying out searches for
petrol bombs at his former home in west Belfast.
Gerard Devlin, 39, was stabbed to death in the
Ballymurphy area last month as he prepared to take his
children away for the weekend.
The victim's aunt, Bernadette O`Rawe, said eight
RUC/PSNI Land Rovers arrived at the family home in
Whitecliff Parade at 9am.
She claimed officers stayed for more than three hours
and took dozens of photographs inside the property.
The PSNI searches came just days after the family
returned to Ballymurphy after spending time away in
the aftermath of the murder.

9. CONTROVERSIAL NEW LAW APPLIED TO HAMILL INQUIRY

THE inquiry into the murder of Portadown man Robert
Hamill is to become the second collusion case switched
over to controversial new legislation.

The chairperson of the inquiry, which is examining
police handling of Robert Hamill's death at the hands
of a loyalist mob, recently asked Secretary of State
Peter Hain to convert the case to the Inquiries Act.

Former High Court Justice Edwin Jowitt has asked for
the switch because "important witnesses are unwilling
to give evidence" and the new law will allow him to
force them to appear.

The Act has attracted criticism because it gives
British Ministers unprecedented powers to keep
information secret.

David Wright, the father of murdered LVF leader Billy
Wright, is currently mounting a High Court challenge
against the use of the law in the inquiry into his
son's prison murder.

The Wright case was originally set up under the
Prisons Act but was converted to the Inquiries Act
last year.

The family of murdered solicitor Pat Finucane have
strenuously opposed Government plans to hold the
inquiry into his murder under the Act.

Peter Hain wrote to Pat Finucane's widow Geraldine
last week to defend the Act and tell her that it would
not be used to cover up information. He said the
"volume of sensitive evidence is far too great:"in the
Finucane case to use the old system.

Last week retired Canadian Supreme Court Justice Peter
Cory, who recommended the Hamill, Wright and Finucane
inquiries alongside two other cases, cast doubt over
the Government's claims that serious national security
issues could be compromised by the Finucane case.

10. MOVE TO HAVE CONVICTED SOLDIERS THROWN OUT OF ARMY

MORE than 50 British MPs are backing moves to have the
two Scottish soldiers convicted of murdering Belfast
teenager Peter McBride thirteen years ago thrown out
of the army.

Members of a range of parties at Westminster have
signed an SDLP Early Day Motion pushing for a change
in the regulations which allow the soldiers who shot
him to return to the army after serving just three
years in jail.

The news came after it was disclosed that Prime
Minister Tony Blair has refused to meet the mother of
the murdered teenager, Jean McBride. She has long been
campaigning to have the solider expelled from the
army.

Guardsmen Mark Wright and James Fisher were sentenced
to life for murdering Peter McBride in 1995.However,
they were released from prison three years later and
allowed to rejoin their regiment. At their trial they
said they opened fire because they wrongly thought
McBride was carrying a bomb.

11. NUMBER OF LEGALLY-HELD WEAPONS IN THE SIX COUNTIES

THE number of weapons, including shotguns, held on
licence in the Six Counties last May was 144,554 - up
by 5,634 (almost 4%) on the 2001 figure. It's
undisputed that the majority of licence holders are
unionists.

12. PROTESTERS BLOCK RE-OPENING OF PUB NEAR STARDUST
SITE

ON March 4 survivors of the Stardust disaster and
relatives of those killed in the nightclub fire
protested outside Bertie Ahern's constituency office
in Dublin.

The protest was part of a renewed campaign for a
proper inquiry into the blaze, which killed 48 people
on Valentine's Day in 1981.

The survivors and relatives have never accepted the
outcome of the original inquiry, which criticised
owner Eamon Butterly, Dublin Corporation and the
Department of the Environment for safety failings.

They say they have been inundated with new witness
statements since the airing of a television
documentary to mark the 25th anniversary of the
disaster last month.

13. BUSH'S SHANNON STOPOVER PICKETED BY ANTI-WAR GROUP

A SMALL group of anti-war activists held a protest
vigil when President George W Bush's plane refuelled
at Shannon airport early on March 5.

The US Presidential aircraft, Airforce One, touched
down at Shannon Airport just before 2.45am while
bringing George Bush home to Washington from his state
visit to Pakistan and India.

A security operation involving several hundred police
and soldiers was maintained before and during the
stopover.

A small group of anti-war campaigners protested at the
airport. Spokesperson Ed Horgan claimed that such
visits put Ireland at risk of a possible terror
attack.

"I think if the United States military continue to be
allowed use Shannon airport there is a very strong
danger Ireland will be attacked, but the attack would
be on Dublin, not on Shannon," he said.

14. SEAN O'REILLY ACQUITTED OF 'OBSTRUCTING A FEDERAL
OFFICER'

ON December 13, 2005 following a non-violent break in
at the NSA/CIA Pine Gap Sattelite Station in Alice
Springs, Northern Territory, Australia, Sean O'Reilly
was one of six people arrested during a peaceful
demonstration at Pine Gap.

Jim Dowling from Daybora and Adele Goldie from
Brisbane entered the base undetected and photographed
themselves on the roof of a building after cutting
through two security fences.

Donna Mulhern from Sydney and Bryan Law from Cairns
cut through a perimeter fence and went undetected for
an hour before being arrested cutting through a second
fence.

Jessica Morrison from Melbourne and Sean O'Reilly from
Brisbane held a peaceful vigil outside the front gates
around six that morning after the arrests had been
made. Police searched their vehicle and removed
property, when questioned about their actions, Sean
O'Reilly was arrested for hindering police. Jessica
Morrison was then followed for a two hours by federal
police before being taken into custody, but was later
released without charge.

Sean was charged with "obstructing a federal police
officer" merely for questioning the officers right to
search his car. Sean went to court in Alice Springs on
Monday February 27, 2006. The pre-trial hearing of the
remaining Pine Gap protestors is set for April with a
jury trial later in the year. Pine Gap is used for
electronic information gathering and targeting for the
U.S. war machine.

In the spirit civil disobedience the inspection, by
the group Christians Against ALL Terrorism, was an
anti-terrorist exercise. The base has long been closed
off to the Australian public and the Australian
Government. The group believes Pine Gap to be a
terrorist base. The Australian Government has become
complicit in terrorism by leasing the land to the
U.S., who uses the satellite tracking system to
pinpoint targets in Iraq and Afghanistan.

100,000 Iraqi civilians are dead, in a war that has
been declared illegal by the U.N. and condemned as
immoral by spiritual leaders worldwide. The group from
the beginning had made public their intention to
inspect Pine Gap. They contacted Defense Minister,
Senator Robert Hill, asking for permission to inspect
the base and then later stating when the inspection
would be carried out. The Senator replied by
threatening the group with seven years jail under the
1952 Defence act.

On Monday Sean's case commenced but evidence from
attending/arresting officers was full of inaccuracies
and inconsistencies. The case was adjourned until
Friday March 3.

An edited report from Sean said: "The Magistrate,
Melanie Little, took about 35 minutes to sum up.
Basically, she found too many inconsistencies in the
evidence provided by the prosecution and the previous
cases provided by the prosecutor re hindrance appeared
to work in my favour.

"Ms Little found that there was not sufficient
substance in the arresting officer's evidence to prove
I hindered him. It just feels great and I'm feeling
very happy with my performance in court. It is amazing
when you realize during the summation that it looks
like it is swinging in your favour. Trust it will be a
good omen for the 4 in April and beyond. I've made an
application for costs and have a hearing set down for
the 23 March with a telephone link up. The prosecutor
was sitting in Darwin and watching it all by video
link"

Related Link:
http://melbourne.indymedia.org/news/2005/12/101603.php

ENDS

STATEMENT AT START OF SECOND HUNGER STRIKE

2006-03-02T17:58:00.000-06:00

1 MARCH 1981 STATEMENT AT START OF SECOND HUNGER STRIKE

We, the Republican POWs in the H-Blocks of Long Kesh, and our comrades in Armagh prison, are entitled to and hereby demand political status, and we reject today, as we have consistently rejected every day since September 14th, 1976, when the Blanket protest began, the British government's attempted criminalisation of ourselves and our struggle.

Five years ago this day, the British government declared that anyone arrested and convicted after March 1st, 1976, was to be treated as a criminal and no longer as a political prisoner. Five years later we are still able to declare that that criminalisation policy, which we have resisted and suffered, has failed.

If a British government experienced such a long and persistent resistance to a domestic policy in England, then that policy would almost certainly be changed. But not so in Ireland where its traditional racist attitude blinds its judgement to reason and persuasion.

Only the loud voice of the Irish people and world opinion can bring them to their senses and only a hunger strike, where lives are laid down as proof of the strength of our political convictions, can rally such opinion, and present the British with the problem that, far from criminalising the cause of lreland, their intransigence is actually bringing popular attention to that cause.

We have asserted that we are political prisoners and everything about our country, our arrests, interrogations, trials and prison conditions show that we are politically motivated and not motivated by selfish reasons or for selfish ends. As further demonstration of our selflessness and the justness of our cause, a number of our comrades, beginning today with Bobby Sands, will hunger strike to the death unless the British government abandons its criminalisation policy and meets our demand for political status.

IRISH REPUBLICAN INFORMATION SERVICE (no. 56)

2006-03-01T22:22:00.000-06:00

IRISH REPUBLICAN INFORMATION SERVICE (no. 56)Teach Dáithí Ó Conaill, 223 Parnell Street, Dublin 1, Ireland Phone: +353-1-872 9747; FAX: +353-1-872 9757; e-mail: saoirse@iol.ie Date: 1 Márta / March 2006 Internet resources maintained by SAOIRSE-Irish Freedom http://saoirse.rr.nu Irish Republican Information Service THE body styling itself 'Limerick Republican Information Service' is not connected with the Irish Republican Information Service (IRIS), 223 Parnell Street, Dublin 1, email saoirse@iol.ie and has not been authorised either by IRIS or by the body that sponsors IRIS, Republican Sinn Féin. Therefore it is totally unauthorised and should be regarded as such. In this issue: 1. Republican Sinn Féin protest at loyalist march 2. Republican prisoner victimised in Maghaberry jail 3. Another Basque political prisoner killed by Spanish repression 4. Call for investigation into DNA evidence of loyalist murders 5. M15 withheld information from RUC on Omagh 6. Three bricklayers released from jail 7. Successful function in Lurgan 8. Prisons for profit 1. REPUBLICAN SINN FÉIN PROTEST AT LOYALIST MARCH

THE 26-County political establishment once more
demonstrated the gulf of understanding that lies
between them and ordinary Irish people when they chose
to ignore warnings of serious disturbance if they
allowed a loyalist march proceed through the centre of
Dublin.

In the aftermath of the riots, which ensued on
February 25, and the abandonment of the loyalist march
Republican Sinn Féin pointed to where the true
responsibility for the chaos in Dublin lay. In a
statement RSF Vice President Des Dalton said: "The
scenes witnessed in Dublin today only serve to
illustrate how out of touch the 26-County political
establishment was with the depth of opposition to the
routing of a loyalist march through Dublin.

"Indeed 26-County Justice Minister Michael McDowell's
willingness to meet with the organisers of this march
while at the same time refusing to meet with the
relatives of those killed in the British-directed
loyalist Dublin and Monaghan bombs or the relatives of
the Stardust tragedy, only serves to further highlight
the gulf that exists between the 26-County political
establishment and the views of ordinary Irish people.

The people of Dublin have shown their rejection of the
ideology of sectarian hatred and bigotry represented
by those who organised this march. The routing of such
a march through Dublin was a completely irresponsible
act with scant thought given to the consequences or
the dangers it posed to people."

Since the march was first mooted in December of 2005
Republican Sinn Féin made it clear it intended to
protest. On February 22 it held a press conference in
Dublin to announce details of its protest however most
of the Dublin based media chose to ignore it. The
February edition of the newspaper SAOIRSE under the
headline "Oppose Loyalist march" called on people to
support a protest against the march as well as
outlining the three reasons why Republican Sinn Féin
were organising a protest.
These were also included in a leaflet distributed at
the protest and were:

* "One of the bodies sponsoring the Loyalist march,
FAIR, claims a near monopoly on suffering in Ireland
over the past 40 years. The facts are more than 1,000
innocent uninvolved nationalists were killed by
British-backed loyalist death squads. Of the 698
Protestants killed during the conflict in the Six
Counties 340 died at the hands of loyalists. FAIR
should be marching on the UDA and UVF in Belfast
rather than through the centre of Dublin.

* Republicans stand in solidarity with the beleaguered
nationalists of the Garvaghy Road, Ardoyne, Dunloy and
other such areas. The 26-County administration by
collaborating with this march has in effect turned its
back on all, north and south, who suffered at the
hands of British-backed loyalist death squads down the
decades.
* The question which has not been asked is whether
nationalist parades, of whatever kind, or even Civil
Rights marches would be allowed through the centre of
Portadown or Belfast's Royal Avenue? The British
forces would certainly block them.
* When the British Government finally leaves Ireland,
there will no longer be a question of supremacy of
Unionists over Nationalists and all interests will be
welcome to parade wherever they chose."

On the day RSF carried out all of the activities they
said would, this included gathering in Talbot Street,
Dublin at the Memorial to the victims of the loyalist
bombing of Dublin and Monaghan in May, 1974 in which
34 died.

Republican Sinn Féin President, Ruairí Ó Brádaigh,
read out the names of the victims and he also read out
the names of 13 civilians who were murdered in the
26-Counties by loyalist death squads.

He recalled having been at the funerals of the victims
and that he has attended the unveiling of the
memorials in 1991. He pointed out that the 26-County
administration had refused to meet with the victim's
families and that it was only in the past two weeks
that Bertie Ahern agreed to meet with the relatives of
the Stardust fire which claimed the lives of 48 young
people in 1981.

A minutes silence was observed when Ruairí Ó Brádaigh
laid a wreath after which those assembled made their
way to O'Connell Street where at the Parnell Monument
many more members, supporters and members of the
general public gathered with placards to oppose the
loyalist march from Parnell Square to Leinster House
where representatives of the Orange Order were to meet
with Michael McDowell, the 26-County justice minister.

A banner which read Unite Protestant Catholic &
Dissenter...To break the Connection with England was
carried by members of Dublin Republican Sinn Féin.

The lambeg drums could be clearly heard from the top
of Parnell Square where, dressed in full loyalist
regalia and carrying the Union Jack, the bands
assembled. Within a short time trouble flared between
groups of protestors who emerged from side streets
and were not part of the RSF protest, and the
26-County police - many of whom were in full riot
gear. It soon became obvious that the loyalist march
would not be going ahead due mainly to the large
numbers of people protesting.

Republican Sinn Féin continued their protest at the
Parnell Monument and later moved to Cavendish Row
until the loyalists boarded their busses and left
Parnell Square.

The loyalists were bussed to Leinster House and the
bands formed up there - again in full regalia and
carrying the Union Jack. However a crowd of protestors
having been told by the 26-County police that the
Loyalists had been bussed to Leinster House followed
them there and they had to pack up once again. However
representatives of the march held a meeting with
Michael McDowell in the Berkley Court Hotel.

In the days that followed Republican Sinn Féin, who
throughout had provided leadership and a political
focus to those opposed to the loyalist march deflected
attempts by the 26-County administration to blame them
for the riots. In interviews and statements on all of
the national as well as some international media
Republican Sinn Féin spokespeople including its
President, Ruairí O Brádaigh, its two Vice Presidents
Josephine Hayden and Des Dalton as well as publicity
Director Ruairí Óg Ó Brádaigh highlighted that the
26-County political establishment had lost touch with
ordinary Irish people in their rush to normalise
British rule in Ireland as well as appease
Unionism/Loyalism and its sectarian ideology.

On March 1, Ruairí Ó Brádaigh, President, Republican
Sinn Féin, in a statement, refuted false accusations
made in Leinster House:

"A police report of a planned sit-down protest by
Republican Sinn Féin on the occasion of last
Saturday's (February 25) loyalist march which has been
quoted in Leinster House is without foundation. It is
mere speculation and is not true.

"The matter of the loyalist march through the centre
of Dublin was discussed repeatedly at Ard-Chomhairle
meetings. Our information on the growing level of
disquiet and opposition to it was much more accurate
than that which it appears was available to the
"powers that be".

"We sought to give this situation a political focus
and the sole woman staff member who was in An
Ard-Oifig on Monday, February 20 did not refuse to
give the facts to a Garda Inspector when he visited
without notice.

"All was in the open and was carried on the front page
of the January and February issues of SAOIRSE.
Republican Sinn Féin carried out its protest picket as
planned and departed from the scene in an orderly
manner when the march was cancelled.

"Earlier we had laid a wreath at the memorial to the
33 people killed in the Dublin-Monaghan loyalist
bombings in 1974. All through our time in Cavendish
Row we were corralled off by police barriers and an
open space from the crowd which gathered in O'Connell
Street.

"In point of fact we were never in O'Connell Street
but located ourselves in Cavendish Row, a small street
which connects Parnell Square and O'Connell Street.
Banner, placards and leaflets were all there for
public scrutiny and the media were constantly in
attendance throughout our presence there and can vouch
for what we are saying.

"The principal leaflet was entitled "An address to the
People of Ireland" which made a special appeal to
those of the Unionist political persuasion. It asked
them to reconsider our ÉIRE NUA programme for a new
four-province Federal Ireland including a nine-county
Ulster in which unionists would have a working
majority, but nationalists would be within reach of
power.

"We held a press conference three days earlier
(Wednesday, February 22) in a Dublin hotel at which we
gave interviews to UTV among others. Nothing was
hidden but false accusations have been made. Rumour
and public house talk is no substitute for accurate
information.

"We declared this loyalist march to be ill-advised. We
believe any attempted repetition of it to be even more
ill-advised."

It was reported on February 27 that loyalists
returning from the abandoned Love Ulster march in
Dublin were responsible for riots in Portadown, Co
Armagh, in the early hours of February 26. Six RUC/
PSNI officers were injured during the trouble,
involving more than 100 people in the High Street and
Edward Street areas.

Local people reported that a loyalist crowd attacked
customers leaving two nationalist-owned bars in the
town. The report said that the attackers included
several loyalist bandsmen who had been in Dublin
earlier in the day for the Love Ulster march.

2. REPUBLICAN PRISONER VICTIMISED IN MAGHABERRY JAIL

STÍOFÁN Ó Dálaigh, OC of the Continuity IRA prisoners
in Maghaberry jail in Co Antrim was released on the
weekend of February 18-20 on what is termed
pre-release parole.

Upon his return to the jail on Monday, February 20 he
was sent to the punishment block for 48 hours after
prison warders said that their search dog had got a
positive scent from him for drugs. Stíofán stated
that it took all the dog-handler's strength to get the
dog to stop beside him and that the warders laughed at
the outcome.

This was a deliberate act of harassment and
humiliation by British prison warders as it is
accepted that neither Stíofán nor indeed anyone on the
Republican wing would tolerate any connection with
such substances. The prison authorities and their
warders are using this pretence of drug prevention to
harass and intimidate Republican POWs and their
visitors.

In a statement on February 28 Republican Sinn Féin
said that the continued harassment of Republican
prisoners and their visitors at Maghaberry prison
would only increase the determination of the prisoners
and their supporters to continue the struggle against
British occupation.

3. ANOTHER BASQUE POLITICAL PRISONER KILLED BY SPANISH REPRESSION

BASQUE political prisoner Igor Angulo was found dead
on February 29, hanging from his cell window in Cuenca
Jail more than 600 klm from the Basque Country. He was
the only Basque political prisoner in Cuenca. Because
of the Spanish dispersal policy before he was
transferred to Cuenca in 2001 he was kept in six
different jails all around Spain. He was locked in his
cell for 18 hours a day. He was tortured when he was
arrested in 1996.

He is the third Basque political prisoner to be found
dead in his cell in the last year and this is a
consequence of the merciless and brutal Spanish and
French governments' prison policy against Basques.
More than 700 Basque political prisoners are kept in
80 prisons all around France and Spain suffering
beatings, isolation, medical mistreatment, dispersal
and denying of most basic rights like studying,
speaking in Basque etc.

irishbasques at hotmail.com and
http://www.indymedia.ie

4. CALL FOR INVESTIGATION INTO DNA EVIDENCE OF
LOYALIST MURDERS

IT was reported on February 27 that important DNA
evidence had emerged in the case of two teenagers
butchered by loyalists six years ago, prompting the
father of one of the victims to call for an inquiry
into why police did not act upon it before.

Paul McIlwaine, whose son David was murdered alongside
Andrew Robb in February 2000, called for a new Police
Ombudsman investigation last night after he was
contacted by the detective currently in charge of the
manhunt. He said the RUC/PSNI detective revealed that
a forensic review had turned up a DNA link between his
son's body and a suspect in the case.

He called on the Police Ombudsman - who reviewed the
case last year - to conduct a new inquiry to determine
why the evidence had not been available for six years.

Paul McIlwaine said last year's Ombudsman review
concluded that police had carried out "a thorough and
professional investigation" but called on the
Ombudsman "to reinvestigate this case in light of this
information".

The RUC/PSNI refused to comment on Mr McIlwaine's
allegations, saying the case is subjudice because two
men are currently awaiting trial.

David McIlwaine (18), and 19-year-old Andrew Robb were
murdered in the early hours of February 19, 2000 by
loyalists believed to belong to the UVF.

The boys' bodies were found near Tandragee. They had
been stabbed repeatedly and their throats had been
slashed. Two years ago Paul McIlwaine raised queries
about the available evidence in the Belfast Telegraph
newspaper, citing police papers he had won access to
after a long court battle.

He said those papers indicated that substantial
forensic evidence, including DNA evidence, was
available. He previously alleged that an informer for
the security forces was among the killers.

A suspect was charged a short time after the murders
but was released months later because prosecutors said
there was insufficient evidence to secure a
conviction.

Two years ago police told Paul McIlwaine that DNA
material was being resubmitted for review, and new
files were prepared for the Director of Public
Prosecutions. But the DPP concluded again that there
was not enough evidence to secure a conviction.

"We never accepted that this was the case," Paul
McElwaine said. "On the limited evidence available to
us we had a number of human rights experts
independently examine the evidence. All felt that on
the body of evidence that prosecutions should have
been taken."

Last September the case featured in the BBC's
Crimewatch programme and within weeks two men had been
charged with the murders. They are currently in
custody awaiting trial.

5. MI5 WITHHELD INFORMATION FROM RUC ON OMAGH

INFORMATION supplied to MI5 by their agent David
Rupert, who also was an FBI and Garda Special Branch
agent, four months before the Omagh bomb in 1998 was
never passed on to the RUC Special Branch according
Chief Constable Sam Kinkaid.

The information was in relation to an earlier planned
attack [in April prior to the signing of the Belfast
Agreement] on either Derry or Omagh. The intelligence
was passed on to the Gardaí in the 26 Counties and
resulted in three people being arrested.

This revelation comes at a time when responsibility
for 'national security intelligence' in the Six
Occupied Counties is being transferred to MI5 from the
Special Branch.

6. THREE BRICKLAYERS RELEASED FROM JAIL

THREE unemployed Dublin bricklayers, William McClurg,
Keith Kelly and Andrew Clarke were released by the
High Court in Dublin on Saturday Feburary 25 after
giving an undertaking not to picket the Collen
Construction site in Ballybrack.

The three men had been jailed on February 10 for
refusing to refrain from picketing the site which
stopped work on a 77 house scheme for Dun
Laoghaire-Rathdown County Council. Collen Construction
brought the case against the men and applied for
orders to commit them to prison after they ignored a
High Court injunction restraining them from picketing
the site.

Work on two other Collen sites, University College
Dublin and the Hugh Lane Gallery, had also been
disrupted by picketing. The three men claim that
sub-contractors on Collen sites are not paying the
legal minimum rates and that they {Collen} are
refusing to employ local labour and in particular
members of the Building and Allied Trade Union (Batu).

7. SUCCESSFUL FUNCTION IN LURGAN

THE Thomas Hart Cumann of Republican Sinn Féin held a
very successful Fundraiser on February 24 last.

Finance was raised towards the costs of the Belfast
office and for CABHAIR (Irish Republican Prisoners'
Dependants Fund. The event was well attended with
members from Tyrone, Derry, Armagh, and Fermanagh all
showing up to lend their support and enjoy the craic.

The music on the night was performed Foggy Dew who
were excellent throughout and a draw was held and
three lucky people scooped the three prizes, including
a framed Spirit of Freedom picture from Maghaberry
jail, a framed picture commemorating the 1916 Easter
Rising and a bottle of whiskey. Brenden Magill
auctioned off two beautiful Bodhrán, one with the
image off Bobby Sands, the other a Celtic football
emblem.

There were several speeches on the night, amongst them
Fergal Moore stressing that the conditions in
Maghaberry were totally unacceptable for Irish
Republican POWs. He said those who were held in
Maghaberry were being held for fighting for Irish
freedom and he called on everyone to support them and
the continued fight for Irish freedom.

8. PRISONS FOR PROFIT

THIS month's announcement that the new prison complex
to replace Mountjoy will be built under a Public
Private Parnership (PPP) ushers in the era of
prisons-for-profit in Ireland.

According to a report in the Irish Times of February
4, the new prison will house at least 1,200 prisoners
and "will be designed to allow for its easy extension
in the future".
The government has called for tenders from private
companies to design, build, finance and maintain the
new facility. The contract with the private firm
chosen will run for up to 35 years.

Government enthusiasm for PPPs stems from the dubious
claim that such projects are cheaper to the state.
However, the 2004 annual report of the comptroller and
auditor general estimated the cost of PPP schools in
Ireland to be 8-13% more expensive than traditional
funding methods. The government wrongly predicted
that the use of PPP would result in a 6% savings.

Yet despite this track record - and the failure to
provide any evidence in support of its privatisation
scheme - the government plans to roll out Ireland's
first for-profit prison in 2010.

ENDS

MI5, Sinn Fein/IRA (sic) and the Intelligence War

2006-02-20T21:31:00.000-06:00

Try separate the wood from the trees:
MI5, Sinn Fein/IRA (sic) and the intelligence war


Paul Maguire • Forum Magazine, Feb-Mar 2006

For three decades British intelligence pursued a dual
strategy vis-à-vis the provisional movement. This
parallel strategy had as its twin objectives a gradual
diminution of the [P]IRA's militarily capacity and a
concurrent strengthening of the position of those
within the provisional leadership who were pioneering
a constitutional reformist agenda. Well placed MI5
agents within both the [P]IRA and Sinn Fein (sic) were
essential for the successful attainment of these twin
objectives. The exposure of Denis Donaldson and
Freddie Scapaticci as British agents illustrates the
extent to which the higher echelons of both the
political and military wings of the provisional
movement had been infiltrated by MI5. These
revelations also undermine - in very stark terms - the
veracity of Gerry Adams' repeated assertion that the
[P]IRA is an undefeated army.

Paving the way

By the mid-1980s Gerry Adams and Martin McGuinness
were privately determined to guide the provisional
movement down a purely constitutional path. The 1981
election of hunger-strikers and the 1983 election of
Gerry Adams as MP for West Belfast highlighted a
previously untapped reservoir of political support
which whetted the appetite of those Adamsistas who
wished to exchange armed struggle for the ballot box.
By May 1987 Gerry Adams felt confident enough to
secretly present Charles Haughey with a 15 page
document outlining the terms for an IRA ceasefire and
the creation of "a pan-nationalist front". Although
the vast majority of IRA volunteers and a minority of
the IRA Army Council were totally unaware of this
development, it was clearly only a matter of "when"
and not "if" an IRA ceasefire would transpire.

British intelligence was wholly cognisant of these
internal shifts. However, the defeat of the IRA or the
diminution of its capacity to wage war remained its
primary objective. This would not only eradicate the
explosion of bombs on the streets of London [a
perennial concern of the successive British
governments], but also strengthen the hand of those
within the provisional movement who were promoting a
new purely political approach.

British intelligence recruited informants, imprisoned
experienced IRA activists and ambushed and executed
hardline active service units as part of its campaign
to weaken the IRA. An iron fist was brought to bear on
republican heartlands hostile to the new
Adams-McGuinness strategy. For example, the hardline
and vehemently anti-Adams IRA East Tyrone Brigade was
practically decimated by a combination of British
intelligence gathering and the deployment of the SAS.
By the early 1990s the IRA's armed campaign appeared
increasingly unproductive and inefficient. The din of
internal voices supporting the "peace strategy" grew
louder. Who among Adams' hardline opponents could
convincing argue that armed struggle remained a viable
means to deliver political progress, when all evidence
suggested otherwise?

MI5 and the [P]IRA

British intelligence was relentless and extremely
successful in infiltrating the IRA. Freddie
Scapaticci's recruitment as a British agent was a
major MI5 coup and perhaps one of the single most
important turning points in its intelligence war
against the IRA. As head of security and intelligence
Scapaticci had full access to every IRA department. No
person was better placed to provide MI5 with a
topographical survey of the IRA and a breakdown of its
personnel. Furthermore, his involvement in numerous
IRA internal inquiries would also have enabled him to
identify individual personal weaknesses among various
republican activists and provide MI5 with priceless
information that could prove useful in turning other
agents. But it would be extremely naive to think that
Scapaticci is the only senior IRA member to turn
informant. Indeed some have argued he may not even be
the agent code-named 'Stakeknife', as MI5 never
exposes an agent unless another is equally or better
placed to provide similar high grade intelligence.

Although Freddie Scappaticci and Sean O'Callaghan
[former Adjutant-General IRA Southern Command] are
perhaps two of the best known IRA apostates, there
have been other traitors of a similar or higher rank
whose names have been withheld from both the IRA rank
and file and the general public. In 1996 the IRA
uncovered another MI5 agent within its higher
echelons. John Carroll was a senior member of the IRA
Southern Command and an elected Sinn Fein councillor
in County Offaly when he was recruited by MI5. He was
exposed as a British agent after an indepth IRA
investigation into his suspicious travelling habits
and his personal finances. However, Carroll was spared
a summary execution because of the political damage it
might cause Sinn Fein and the negative impact such a
revelation might have on IRA volunteers at a sensitive
time in the peace process. The entire sordid saga was
kept well under wraps. It is believed that over the
years Carroll possessed sensitive information
concerning the IRA's "England campaign" and was
responsible for numerous operations being compromised.
However, the true extent of the damage he inflicted on
the IRA will never be established.

What is indisputable is that MI5 was singularly
successful in infiltrating the higher echelons of the
IRA. The IRA's intelligence and security department
was basically administered by British intelligence.
The IRA Executive [one of the highest IRA decision
making bodies], the Southern Command and the GHQ
Department [the body responsible for the day to day
running of the IRA] were also compromised.

By the early 1990s the lines separating sections of
the IRA hierarchy and British intelligence were most
definitely blurred. Indeed it sends a shiver down
one's spine when one considers the odds stacked
against IRA volunteers in the field. The bleakness of
this scenario is further compounded when one takes
into account the fact that a majority of the IRA
leadership was, for close on two decades, only too
prepared to accept far less than what its volunteers
were fighting, dying and being sent to prison for.
However, the fact remains that by 1994 the IRA was
thoroughly infiltrated and rendered militarily
impotent. One aspect of MI5's dual-strategy was - for
the most part - completed.

MI5 and Sinn Fein (sic)

While weakening or defeating the IRA remained its
primary objective, MI5 did not ignore or dismiss
developments within Sinn Fein. MI5 monitored all
internal political discussions and even contributed to
those debates through well-placed agents and thereby
influenced the political trajectory of the movement.
It is a well document fact that the Adams-McGuinness
leadership is surrounded by a "revolutionary
think-tank" comprised of current or former IRA
volunteers and veteran Sinn Fein members. If it had
been previously suggested that some of these prominent
republicans were British agents, Sinn Fein spin
doctors would have treated the accusation with
contempt. But not any more. The image of a smug Denis
Donaldson flanked on the steps of Stormont by Adams
and McGuinness, while both party leaders hailed his
virtue and innocence, rests absurdly alongside the
spectacle of the Sinn Fein president, only seventy-two
hours later, informing a party press conference that
their head of administration in Stormont was expelled
for unsuspected treason stretching over a 20 year
period.

Donaldson shed crocodile tears for the "suffering and
pain" his actions have caused over a twenty year
period. As is the case with Scapaticci, O'Callaghan
and Carroll, we will never know how many people he
dispatched to an early grave or consigned to a grey
prison cell. Sinn Fein attempted to diminish
Donaldson's importance in the public mind. But what
cannot be denied is that Donaldson was part of the
Adams-McGuinness "think tank" and that he was a
stalwart defender not only of that leadership but also
the peace process - a position entirely consistent
with his secret life as a MI5 operative. Donaldson
also participated in all major strategic debates
within the provisionals over the previous two decades.
He reorganised the Sinn Fein US support network, where
he replaced traditional republicans with loyal
Adamsistas. Donaldson was also a key aid during the
negotiations that led to the Belfast Agreement. What
an invaluable asset he must have been for his MI5
handlers? We know Sinn Fein was operating a spy-ring
at Stormont, as thousands of documents were uncovered.
But was this a subterfuge? Was Donaldson's "handlers"
feeding bogus intelligence to the Sinn Fein
leadership, thus swaying opinion and influencing
sensitive political decisions? Obviously British
intelligence was well aware of the party's negotiating
bottom line long before negotiations commenced.

But just as Scapaticci was not the only senior MI5
informant within the IRA, it is naive to imagine that
Donaldson is the only senior British agent within Sinn
Fein. Speculation concerning key MI5 agents at the
heart of the Adams-McGuinness leadership has reached
fever pitch over recent weeks. Recently the PSNI
Special Branch has attempted to exacerbate these
rumours by visiting numerous prominent Belfast
provisionals in the company of a flotilla of
landrovers and furniture removal vans. Such is the
level of internal paranoia, key Sinn Fein
apparatchiks, such as Jim Gibney, have publicly urged
party members "to remain calm and to hold their heads
high". Gerry Adams has stated that he believes further
prominent provisionals may be exposed as MI5 agents at
a future date. Upon what information is this opinion
based? Has the Sinn Fein president any evidence of MI5
agents among his party leadership, which he has been
reluctant to disclose lest it lower party morale?

Only a fool could believe that the Sinn Fein
leadership has not been heavily infiltrated by MI5. In
fact, since the early 1990s, a section of the IRA has
held a longstanding suspicion regarding the bona fides
of some prominent Sinn Fein members. In 1994 the
spotlight of distrust fell upon the prominent Sinn
Fein negotiator, Mitchell McLaughlin, after the IRA
received reports that McLaughlin was engaged in
unauthorised and protracted contact with a senior
British civil servant in Whitehall. At a sensitive
time in the peace process, the IRA leadership chose
not to abduct McLaughlin in order to avoid adverse
media publicity and lower party morale. Instead he was
invited to attend a meeting with several IRA members
on the grounds that they wished to interview him about
certain matters in Derry. The IRA investigators
detained and interrogated McLaughlin for a significant
period of time. However, the IRA leadership was later
informed that the outcome of the internal
investigation was "inconclusive".

Unlikely partners?

The Sinn Fein leadership may denounce the Scapaticcis
and Donaldsons of this world. But I would argue that
they lack the moral authority to do so. Where lies the
difference between a republican turned British agent
and a republican turned Minister of the Crown? Both
are employed by, and receive payment from, the British
state. Both function to preserve and administer
British rule in Ireland. Both are morally and
politically repugnant, albeit to varying degrees.

In the final analysis few can deny that the outcome of
the Adams-McGuinness "peace strategy" mirrored MI5's
longstanding objectives towards the IRA. MI5 and the
Adams-McGuinness leadership gradually sought a
termination of the armed campaign in favour of an
exclusively democratic approach. MI5 guarded British
sovereignty over the North and upheld the continued
existence of the northern state within the "United
Kingdom" - a constitutional reality which the Sinn
Fein/IRA leadership has now embraced. So just as it is
reasonable to ask where lies the dividing line between
certain senior members of the Provisional IRA and
British intelligence, is it not just as reasonable to
ask where lies the dividing line between the
Adams-McGuinness "peace strategy" and British
intelligence's favoured solution for militant Irish
republicanism? If you have the stomach, try and
separate the wood from the trees.

RSF to hold demonstration against Loyalist march

2006-02-20T21:17:00.000-06:00

RSF news - Republican Sinn Féin - http://rsf.ie     
Republican Sinn Féin
Teach  Dáithí  Ó  Conaill,
223 Parnell  Street
Dublin  1,  Ireland

For further information contact:
Des Dalton:
Vice-President:  086-329 1809
Ruairí Óg Ó Brádaigh
Publicity Officer: Dublin 872 9747,
     087-648 2061

Phone: +353-1-872 9747
Fax: +353-1-872 9757
e-mail: saoirse@iol.ie

rsf.ie

For release
20 February\Feabhra 2006

Press Release/Preas Ráiteas

RSF to hold demonstration against Loyalist march

REPUBLICAN SINN FÉIN, who were the first to speak out against the
staging of a Loyalist march in Dublin announced that they will be
assembling at the Parnell monument at the top of O’Connell St
assembling from 10.00am on February 25. RSF Vice President Des Dalton
said they were doing so to show solidarity with the beleaguered
nationalist people of the Six Counties as well as to oppose the staging
of sectarian marches.

“This march is offensive to all who oppose sectarianism, bigotry and
racism. Those who are organising this march represent the same people
who have burned homes, schools and churches across the Six Counties.
They represent groups who have murdered innocent uninvolved people as a
matter of policy simply because of their religion. They speak about
tolerance, yet when was a nationalist parade of any kind, cultural or
political been allowed to take place in Portadown or East Belfast? Many
nationalist communities are afraid to even display GAA club or county
colours in case of Loyalist attack.” He said. “We are calling on all of
our members and supporters as well as all who oppose this march to join
us on the 25th.”

To show that there is not a hierarchy of suffering Republican Sinn
Féin President Ruairí Ó Brádaigh will lead a wreath at the monument in
Talbot St, to the 33 victims, Protestant and Catholic of the 1974
Dublin and Monaghan bombs.

Ends

IRISH REPUBLICAN INFORMATION SERVICE (no. 55)

2006-02-20T14:35:00.000-06:00

IRISH REPUBLICAN INFORMATION SERVICE (no. 55)
Teach Dáithí Ó Conaill, 223 Parnell Street, Dublin 1,
Ireland
Phone: +353-1-872 9747; FAX: +353-1-872 9757; e-mail:
saoirse@iol.ie
Date: 20 Feabhra / February 2006

Internet resources maintained by SAOIRSE-Irish Freedom

http://saoirse.info

Irish Republican Information Service
THE body styling itself 'Limerick Republican
Information Service' is not connected with the Irish
Republican Information Service (IRIS), 223 Parnell
Street, Dublin 1, email saoirse@iol.ie and has not
been authorised either by IRIS or by the body that
sponsors IRIS, Republican Sinn Féin. Therefore it is
totally unauthorised and should be regarded as such.

In this issue:
1. Hunger Strikers honoured in Ballina
2. 'Display of solidarity with nationalist people of
the Six Counties'
3. Evidence that loyalist killer was RUC informer
4. Decision not to interview murder suspects
'political'
5. MI5 to replace RUC/PSNI Special Branch
6. Protesters prepared to take 'direct action' over
gas pipeline
7. British MPs ban 'glorifying terrorism'
8. 150 jobs go as two factories shut
9. SIPTU gives guarded welcome to Services Directive
10. Family anger with death in custody decision
11. Protesters block re-opening of pub near Stardust
site
12. Number of legally-held weapons in the Six Counties
13. M3 road through Tara challenged in court
14. Candle-lit Procession at McDowell's constituency
office

1. HUNGER STRIKERS HONOURED IN BALLINA

A LARGE crowd attended the Republican Sinn Féin
commemoration of the three Co Mayo hunger strikers -
Seán McNeela, Ballycroy; Michael Gaughan, Ballina and
Frank Stagg, Hollymount - in Ballina on February 12,
the 30th anniversary of Stagg's death.

The parade formed up at the 1798 Humbert Memorial and,
led by a piper from the Glens of Antrim and a colour
party bearing the National Tricolour, the Starry
Plough, the Fianna Éireann sunburst and the flags of
the four provinces marched to the Republican Plot in
Leigue Cemetery.

At the graveside of Republican martyrs Healy and Tolan
and Michael Gaughan and Frank Stagg, Ruairí Ó
Brádaigh, President, Republican Sinn Féin, presided at
the ceremony.

He recalled that Seán Ó Clérigh (Jackie Clarke) of
O'Rahilly Street was mainly responsible for the
erection of the memorial at the Plot in 1966, that
Dáithí Ó Conaill and General Tom Maguire gave the
funeral orations for Michael Gaughan and Frank Stagg
respectively.

Seán Mac an Iomaire, Gaillimh, recited a decade of the
Rosary in Irish, following which wreaths were laid by
relatives of the dead hunger strikers.

Carmel McNeela, Dublin (sister-in-law), Joan Gaughan,
Ballina (cousin), Rosaleen Stagg Doyal, Navan (sister
and Seán Stagg, Hollymount (brother) placed floral
tributes oin the graves. Dr Seán Maguire, Castlebar
(son of Tom Maguire) laid a wreath on behalf of the
McNeela-Gaighan-Stagg Cumann of Republican Sinn Féin,
Co Mayo.

Than Dan Hoban, Newport, read the Roll of Honour of
hunger strikers who died for Ireland - 22 names in all
- from 1917 to 1981.

The first speaker was George Stagg, Co Meath, brother
of Frank Stagg. He called on people to honour the
memory of the hunger strikers by seeking to achieve an
Ireland free of the British Occupation Forces and the
British government.

Máire Harrington Uí Mhongáin, Dú Thuama, spoke next.
This was the centenary year of the death of the great
Land League leader fdrom Mayo, Michael Davitt. In
keeping with Davitt's struggle for the land was the
fight for the natural resources of Ireland for the
Irish people. She called for support for the Rossport
Five and their followers in their endeavours.

Finally, Brendan Magill of Lurgan, Co Armagh was
introduced as the comrade of Michael Gaughan and Frank
Stagg in England and the close associate of the Stagg
family.

"There is continuity in our Cause and our fallen
comrades all had one thing in common. All from the
time of Wolfe Tone to the present day wanted an end to
English interference in our affairs," he said.

"They died, whether in a prison cell on hunger strike,
in a prison ship, an ambush or bombing operation or by
assassin's bullet, all made the supreme sacrifice for
Ireland the people of Ireland.

"To pay tribute to them means to play a part, no
matter how small, in getting rid of the British and
building a free, united Ireland, a better Ireland, a
New Ireland - ÉIRE NUA of the four provinces.

"If the hunger strikers of Mayo were alive today we
know what they would do. Do this in their name. In the
names of Frank Stagg, Michael Gaughan and Jack
McNeela, I ask you today:

"Help us in the reconquest of our nation, break the
connection with England. An Phoblacht Abú!," he
concluded.

The parade then reassembled and marched back to the
forming-up point where all stood to attention for
Amhrán na bhFiann.

2. 'DISPLAY OF SOLIDARITY WITH NATIONALIST
PEOPLE OF THE SIX COUNTIES'

SPEAKING at Republican Sinn Féin's 85th anniversary
commemoration on February 19 of the Clonmult massacre,
in which 12 IRA volunteers were killed by British
Crown forces, on February 20 1921,in Midleton Co Cork,
RSF Vice-President Des Dalton outlined why Republican
Sinn Féin were leading the protest against the staging
of a loyalist march in Dublin.

"On Saturday, February 25, loyalists plan to march in
Dublin, with it appears the compliance of the
26-County administration. In allowing the
representatives of groups who have murdered innocent
uninvolved nationalists over the past 40 years as a
matter of policy, not for the first time the 26-County
political establishment have turned their backs on the
beleaguered nationalist people of the Six-Counties.
RSF have from the beginning led the campaign against
this march taking place.

"On the front page of SAOIRSE this month we spell out
clearly our reasons for doing so. Firstly one of the
groups sponsoring the march FAIR claims for Loyalists
a near monopoly on suffering. British-backed loyalist
death squads have murdered more than 1000 innocent
uninvolved nationalists. Of the 698 members of the
protestant community to be killed during the present
conflict, 340, or 49 % died at the hands of loyalist
death squads, it appears FAIR should be marching on
the UDA and UVF in Belfast.

"Secondly Republican Sinn Féin are opposing this march
to express our solidarity with the nationalist people
of the Six-Counties, be it in Dunloy, the Garvaghy
Road, the Ardoyne or other such areas, who have had
such marches imposed on them year after year. Homes,
schools and churches have been burned and attacked, by
those who would preach to us about tolerance. Even
a-political symbols of identity, such as GAA club and
county colours cannot be displayed in some areas of
the Six Counties for fear of attack.

"The question must be asked would nationalist parades
of whatever kind would be allowed through Portadown or
East Belfast? I think we all know the answer; British
forces would certainly block them. As the editorial in
SAOIRSE declares. Thirdly the reason for this loyalist
march is clear, it is part of a softening up process
for an official visit to Dublin by the Queen of
England, who claims ownership of part of Ireland, a
claim enforced by military for.

"The duty of Irish Republicans is clear, RSF are
calling on all who oppose this march to join with us,
under a banner declaring 'Unite Protestant, Catholic
and Dissenter'... 'To break the connection with
England', next Saturday from 10.00am at the Parnell
monument, at the top of O'Connell St, and make your
protest known. When the British government finally
leaves Ireland and Loyalist marches will no longer be
a question of supremacy of Unionists over
Nationalists, then all interests will be welcome and
free to parade wherever they choose."

3. EVIDENCE THAT LOYALIST KILLER WAS
RUC INFORMER

It was one of the most disturbing images of the
Troubles - a loyalist killer maniacally laughing at
relatives of his victims in a display of naked,
sectarian hatred. Now an even more disturbing
allegation has emerged: that Torrens Knight, convicted
of 12 murders, was a police informer while a member of
a Protestant assassination squad in Northern Ireland.
He was involved in the machine-gunning of a Catholic
bar in Greysteel, Co Londonderry, in 1993, when eight
people died. He also took part in another attack in
which four Catholic workmen were shot dead.
The idea that such a notorious figure could have been
working for the security forces has deepened the
unease about the role of the Special Branch in the
underground "dirty war". According to unconfirmed
reports, Knight was paid £50,000 a year for passing on
information.
The police say they will not comment on any
allegations about who might or might not have been an
informer. The Chief Constable of the Police Service of
Northern Ireland, Sir Hugh Orde, has said that
regulations concerning undercover agents have been
tightened in recent years.
But a series of unconnected cases have created
suspicions that, during the Troubles, the Special
Branch routinely concealed information from other
parts of the police.
Knight, who is now in his thirties, was convicted as
one of the members of the Ulster Defence Association
(UDA) who burst into a Catholic bar on Hallowe'en
night in 1993 to stage an attack in retaliation for an
IRA bombing. After one of the gang shouted "Trick or
treat", gunmen raked the bar, leaving its floor and
walls splashed with blood, while Knight, armed with a
shotgun, stood at the door. The eight people killed
included an 81-year-old man while 19 others were
injured.
Knight received eight life sentences for this,
together with four more for the murders of four
Catholic workmen killed seven months earlier in
Castlerock, Co Londonderry. He served seven years in
prison before paramilitary prisoners were granted a
general release under the Good Friday Agreement.
Unconfirmed rumours that Knight had been a police
informer had been in the air for some time. Suspicions
have been voiced by John Dallat, a campaigning
politician who is a member of the nationalist Social
Democratic and Labour Party. Mr Dallat, who says he
was in touch with police about Knight before the
Greysteel and Castlerock attacks, claims they might
have been prevented since it was known Knight was an
extremist.
This week brought a piece of evidence that is seen as
strengthening the informer theory. In 2000, after his
release from prison, Knight is said to have attracted
the attention of staff at a bank where he was
withdrawing large amounts of money from an account
into which £50,000 a year was being paid. The bank's
concern was that Knight was "laundering" illegal
money, but, when police were contacted, an assurance
was given that everything was in order. The money
being paid in was said to be from a Scottish
engineering firm. However, the account was hastily
closed down.
If Knight was an informer, his role clearly did not
provide him with immunity for his killings since he
was charged and jailed for them.
In some cases informers have been allowed to commit
various offences but have been charged when they carry
out "unauthorised" acts such as murders. But the
appearance in this instance is that even his
convictions for 12 killings did not stop the Special
Branch paying him large sums of money after his
release.
The further allegation made by Mr Dallat is that a
rifle used in the Greysteel incident was one of two
weapons found by anglers after the Castlerock
shootings but before the Greysteel attack took place.
The weapons were not recovered. Mr Dallat said he had
been telephoned by a member of the security forces who
claimed the guns were moved by a member of the Special
Branch who was protecting Knight.
Mr Dallat has referred the case to the office of the
Police Ombudsman, which is investigating the saga. He
said: "I hope the investigation team are successful in
gleaning why the UDA ran amok for so long before
finally being caught."
The Dirty War and informers
* IRA
Denis Donaldson, a senior Sinn Fein administrator,
admitted recently that he had been a Special Branch
informer for up to 20 years, sending shockwaves
through the republican community.
Freddie Scappaticci, senior IRA "enforcer", was outed
as a security force informer in 2003, though he has
not admitted this. He is said to be living in Italy.
* LOYALISTS
William Stobie, a loyalist charged with the murder of
solicitor Pat Finucane, sensationally revealed in
court that he had been a police informer. He was later
shot dead by his organisation.
Brian Nelson, a senior loyalist intelligence-gatherer,
was unmasked as an Army informer in 1990. He served a
prison sentence and has since died.
IT WAS one of the most disturbing images of the
Troubles - a loyalist killer maniacally laughing at
relatives of his victims in a display of naked,
sectarian hatred. Allegations have emerged that
Torrens Knight, convicted of 12 murders, was an RUC
informer while a member of a British-backed loyalist
death squad.

He was involved in the machine-gunning of a
Nationalist bar in Greysteel, Co Derry, in 1993, when
eight people died. He also took part in another attack
in which four nationalist workmen were shot dead.

According to unconfirmed reports, Knight was paid
£50,000 a year for passing on information. Knight, who
is now in his thirties, was convicted as one of the
members of the Ulster Defence Association (UDA) who
burst into a nationalist bar on Hallowe'en night in
1993 to stage an attack. After one of the gang shouted
"Trick or treat", gunmen raked the bar, leaving its
floor and walls splashed with blood, while Knight,
armed with a shotgun, stood at the door. The eight
people killed included an 81-year-old man while 19
others were injured.

Knight received eight life sentences for this;
together with four more for the murders of four
nationalist workmen killed seven months earlier in
Castlerock, Co Derry. He served seven years in prison
before being granted a general release under the
Stormont Agreement. Rumours that Knight had been an
RUC informer had been in the air for some time.

In 2000, after his release from prison, Knight is said
to have attracted the attention of staff at a bank
where he was withdrawing large amounts of money from
an account into which £50,000 a year was being paid.
The bank's concern was that Knight was "laundering"
money, but, when the RUC were contacted, an assurance
was given that everything was in order. The money
being paid in was said to be from a Scottish
engineering firm. However, the account was hastily
closed down.

Even his convictions for 12 killings did not stop the
RUC Special Branch paying him large sums of money
after his release.

The further allegation is that a rifle used in the
Greysteel massacre was one of two weapons found by
anglers after the Castlerock shootings but before the
Greysteel attack took place.

The weapons were not recovered. A local nationalist
public representative said he was telephoned by a
member of the British Crown forces who claimed the
guns were moved by a member of the RUC Special Branch
who was protecting Knight.

4. DECISION NOT TO INTERVIEW MURDER
SUSPECTS 'POLITICAL'

THE decision not to interview four key suspects in the
murder of a Dundalk forestry worker 30 years ago was
probably political, according to Justice Henry Barron.

A British-backed loyalist death squad, abducted Séamus
Ludlow, aged 47, including a member of the British
army's Ulster Defence Regiment (UDR) in County Louth
and shot dead on May 2, 1976, but THE 26-County police
never interviewed the suspects identified by the RUC
18 months later.

At the Joint Leinster House Committee on Justice, on
February 16, Judge Henry Barron was asked if this
decision had been taken because of the volatile
situation at the time. "I think the reality is that it
was probably political," he replied.

Committee member Senator Jim Walsh suggested that,
while he did not agree with it, one possibility was
that the 26-County Government did not want the
loyalist suspects interviewed because it might inflame
republican sympathies.

In his report into Séamus Ludlow's death, Judge Barron
said it was most probable the decision not to carry
out the interviews with the Six-County-based suspects
was made by former Garda Commissioner Laurence Wren,
then head of the Garda C3 security section.

The two garda detectives who received the information
from the RUC in 1979 never received authorisation from
C3 to travel across the border to follow it up,
despite the fact that two of the suspects were in
prison and readily available for interview.

Judge Barron told the committee he stood over his
report's conclusion, despite strong denials from
Laurence Wren that he had any involvement in the
decision. "It must have been made by the most senior
member and that was Mr Wren," he said.

The four suspects named in Judge Barron's report -
Paul Hosking, James Fitzsimmons, Richard Long and
Samuel Carroll - were arrested in the Six-Counties in
1998, but the Six-County DPP decided not to prosecute
them because of insufficient evidence. Judge Barron
said he would like to have seen the RUC files on the
Ludlow murder while compiling his report, but this was
not possible because he got no co-operation from the
British authorities.

Independent TD Finian McGrath asked if there were any
other avenues for the committee to investigate.

"It's an awful long time ago, that's the problem,"
said Judge Barron. "Everything seems to suggest that
four men were in public bars in the state (on the
night of Ludlow's murder). At the time, if photographs
were shown to people, they might have identified
them."

The family of Séamus Ludlow, who have travelled from
Dundalk to attend each committee hearing, are calling
for a full public inquiry into his murder.

Judge Barron's fourth and final report, into bombings
in Dundalk in the 1970s, is within a week of
completion, but its publication may be delayed to see
if the names of those allegedly responsible can be
included.

5. MI5 TO REPLACE RUC/PSNI SPECIAL BRANCH

MI5 is moving to Palace Barracks, Holywood, Co Down as
it prepares to replace the RUC/PSNI Special Branch in
the Six Counties.

MI5 is due to take over the lead role in intelligence
involving British national security by the end of
2007. Until now, the RUC/PSNI Special Branch has had
overall responsibility. In future, while British
Colonial police handlers will continue to work with
individual informers they will, in some cases, report
back to MI5.

During the Troubles, MI5 were based at Stormont Castle
- their shift of premises coincides with a shift of
role. It is believed they will in the main be used
against Irish Republicans, as they are perceived to
pose the biggest threat to the British state and their
occupation of the Six Counties. The RUC/PSNI will
continue to have responsibility for loyalist gangs as
they are regarded in the main as criminals.

The current head of MI5, Eliza Manningham Buller, is a
former head of the organisation's so-called Irish
counter-terrorism desk.

6. PROTESTERS PREPARED TO TAKE 'DIRECT
ACTION' OVER GAS PIPELINE

ABOUT 60 people protested outside the Shell oil
company's offices in Dublin, on February 17 in
opposition to the Corrib Gas pipeline.

Members of the Shell to Sea Campaign chained bicycles
across the entrance to the offices on Adelaide Road,
in what they said was a symbolic precursor of planned
blockades of Shell installations in Mayo.

The protests were mirrored by pickets at Shell offices
in the Netherlands and Britain and Shell filling
stations in the west of Ireland.

Co-ordinator of the protest Tadhg McGrath said the
campaign was frustrated "by Shell's lack of a plan B
or any alternative and believed the oil company would
press ahead with construction of the Corrib Gas
pipeline in March.

But he said the campaign was prepared to take "direct
action" to prevent the construction work going ahead.
"We have heard that Shell has block-booked hotels and
guesthouses in Mayo for an Italian construction crew.
But at the end of this month the Shell to Sea camp
will be up and running again in Mayo and we are
prepared to blockade their work."

Tadhg McGrath said funds had been raised
internationally over the winter and members had
travelled abroad, visiting protest camps and amassing
equipment necessary to mount a "Greenham Common" style
protest.

The protests were part of a weekend of events, which
continued in Ireland, Britain, the Netherlands and
Sweden on February 18.

A highlight of the weekend's events was a protest as
Bertie Ahern addressed an Ógra Fianna Fáil convention
in the West County Hotel, Ennis, on February 18.

The five men jailed for 94 days last year over their
opposition to the pipeline again called on the
26-County Environment Minister Noel Dempsey to clarify
recent comments which led to the men's decision to
suspend mediated discussions with Shell. He had
"unilaterally changed the format of mediation", the
five said. Time, space and confidentiality were
required to reach agreement, but the 26-County
minister had "removed that possibility" and had either
"consciously misled us or reversed his September
position".

7. BRITISH MPS BAN 'GLORIFYING TERRORISM'

THE British House of Commons voted on February 15 315
votes to 277 to ban 'glorifying terrorism' sending it
back to the British House of Lords, which had struck
down the term "glorification" earlier this year,
saying it was dangerously vague. The two chambers must
reach agreement for the measure to become law.

Tony Blair said the vote sent a "signal of strength"
and would help authorities counter those who espouse
violence.

He said the bill would allow authorities to prosecute
demonstrators such as those he said carried placards
espousing violence during recent London protests
against a Danish newspaper's publication of cartoons
of the Prophet Muhammad.

Blair suffered a major Commons defeat on security last
year and needed the win on glorification to
demonstrate he had reasserted control over rebels in
his Labour Party.
In November, the British House of Commons rejected his
plan to allow terrorist suspects to be held for up to
90 days without charge.

Critics said the ban on 'glorifying terrorism'
threatens civil liberties.

In January, the British House of Lords voted 270 to
144 to remove the word "glorification" from the
government's anti-terror bill and replace it with
language that would outlaw describing terrorism in a
way that encourages people to emulate it. Menzies
Campbell, leader of the Liberal Democrat party, said
the measure could threaten civil liberties.

"The law on glorification may well have unwelcome
implications for freedom of speech, but it will do
nothing to improve public safety," he said.

The proposal was part of the government's anti-terror
bill, which was drafted after the bombings on London's
transit system in July that killed 52 people and four
attackers.

The bill also would outlaw training in terrorist camps
and encouraging acts of violence. Only the
glorification provision and several other amendments
were up for votes Wednesday, not the overall bill.

Opponents say the ban would be dangerous and
unnecessary, pointing out that extremists such as the
radical cleric Abu Hamza al-Masri have been convicted
in Britain under existing laws against incitement to
murder and racial hatred.

The British House of Commons also debated whether to
renew contentious powers that allow some terrorist
suspects to be detained indefinitely under "control
orders" - strict conditions that resemble house
arrest. No vote was taken.

8. 150 JOBS GO AS TWO FACTORIES SHUT

IT was reported on February 17 that around 150 jobs
are to be axed over the next year with the closure of
two manufacturing plants in the north-west.

Cassette maker Saehan Media will end operations in
Sligo with the loss of 91, while more than 60 jobs are
to go at the renowned Magee clothing company after the
firm said high costs had forced it to make cuts.

Saehan Media Ireland Ltd, which makes video and audio
tapes, will shut its doors in April after making
losses of €10m last year. This was on the back of
losses of €2.4m in 2004.

Magee, a high quality clothing firm, will stop
manufacturing in Donegal by June 2007, but design,
marketing and administration staff will be kept on,
along with retail staff at the local store.

A spokesman for Saehan Media blamed the rapid increase
in demand for DVDs for the move. The market for
videotape and cassettes was in steep decline, he said,
with demand dropping by 30% last year and a further
drop of 40% expected this year.
Employees at the Hazelwood factory were told today
that the plant would close on April 28.

Management thanked staff for their contribution and
commitment to the factory over the past 15 years and
said negotiations would begin immediately on
redundancy packages.
Korean-based parent company Saehan Media, which has
had a presence in Sligo since 1991, is one of the
world's top suppliers of magnetic tape. At its height
it employed 500 people in the town.

Magee chairman Lynn Temple said the decision to end
production by June 2007 was due to the high cost of
manufacturing clothing in Ireland.

"The skill and experience of our staff has been a big
part of Magee's success and it has always been our
ethos to create employment at home in Donegal," she
said. "However, the economics of the marketplace means
that this is no longer possible in clothing
manufacturing."

Magee will continue to base its administration, design
and marketing in Donegal Town, where it was founded in
1866, and the move will not affect the Magee weaving
operation, which employs 60 people, or the Magee
shops.

Magee will continue to employ around 130 people in
Donegal Town after the redundancies, including 30
people in its local retail outlet.

The losses bring to more than 550 the number of jobs
lost around the country so far this year, with the
manufacturing sector hardest hit.

9. SIPTU GIVES GUARDED WELCOME TO
SERVICES DIRECTIVE

THE largest trade union in the 26 Counties, SIPTU,
gave a guarded welcome to the outcome of the European
Parliament vote on the controversial EU Services
Directive.

The measure aims to open up the services market across
the EU and remove the red tape that discourages
service-providers in one country from setting up in
another.

Trade unions had expressed huge concern that aspects
of the new law would exacerbate the erosion of
employment standards, with companies from low-cost EU
states undercutting their rivals in wealthier
countries.

However, MEPs voted on February 16 in favour of a
range of amendments designed to protect workers' pay
and conditions.

SIPTU president Jack O'Connor said that the amended
directive approved by the parliament appeared to be a
major improvement on the original draft.

However, he said it was too early to give a definitive
assessment and SIPTU would be withholding its support
until it saw the full text of the new law.

He also said that, despite the vote, the onus still
rested with the 26-County government to ensure that
the pay and conditions for Irish workers are
protected.

10. FAMILY ANGER WITH DEATH IN CUSTODY
DECISION

IT was reported on February 17 that no one will be
prosecuted over the death of a Dublin man in police
custody.

Terence Wheelock, 20, from Summerhill, was found
unconscious in his cell in Store Street garda station
last June after allegedly attempting to hang himself
with the cord from his tracksuit bottoms.

He never regained consciousness and died on September
16 in the Mater Hospital.

At the opening of the inquest into his death, Mr
Wheelock's family heard that the Director of Public
Prosecutions will not be taking the case any further.

Speaking outside the court following the hearing,
which was adjourned, Mr Wheelock's brother, Barry,
said: "We do not believe Terence was responsible for
his own death. We do not believe it was suicide.

"The DPP's decision is not a surprise to us but it is
a disgrace to the memory of my brother.

"All we want is to know what happened and we want an
independent inquiry into his death."

Terence Wheelock's family, including his parents,
Laurence and Esther, are planning poignant protests at
Dáil Éireann next month to mark the dead man's 21st
birthday.

Barry, 31, continued: "Terence would have been 21 on
March 23 but because we can't present him with a key
we will give it to the Minister of Justice instead."

The family is now determined to have Terence's
belongings returned - including clothing and the
alleged ligature - to be examined by forensic
laboratories in England.

During the hearing, Seán Gillane, representing the
Wheelocks, accused Minister for Justice Michael
McDowell and An Garda Síochána Commissioner Noel
Conroy of hindering their attempts to collect his
personal effects.

He said: "We have no axe to grind. We have openly
indicated our wish to have these items independently
examined. There are experts in England ready, willing
and able to do these tests.

"The Wheelock family cannot afford for these experts
to come here and have to make arrangements between
forensic laboratories here and England for the safe
transport of these items. The family want to assure
the court the best they can that their reasons are
legitimate and bona fide."

A police property application hearing is due to be
held at Dublin District Court on March 14 if both
parties do not come to an agreement before then.

Adjourning the hearing, Dublin City Coroner Dr Brian
Farrell offered his sympathies and condolences to Mr
Wheelock's family.

Outside court, Barry Wheelock slammed the Gardaí for
holding on to his brother's belongings for so long.

He accused the Gardaí of illegally taking the clothes
as the death had been considered a suicide.

"I personally believe some forensic evidence is on
them," he said. If they have nothing to hide, they
should hand them over. The longer we haven't got the
clothes, the more likely they are to be forensically
damaged.

"Funding these tests is not an issue yet. Even if we
have to fund this, we will - we won't be letting this
go."

The case will be mentioned again in the Coroner's
Court on March 7.

11. PROTESTERS BLOCK RE-OPENING OF
PUB NEAR STARDUST SITE

A PROTEST took in the Dublin suburb of Artane on
February 18 against the opening of a pub adjacent to
the site of the Stardust nightclub fire. bout 100
people protested against the re-opening of the Sliver
Swan pub which was destroyed in the blaze that killed
48 young people on Valentine's Day 25 years ago. The
pub was originally due to open on January 15 but was
postponed by angry protests from the families of
Stardust victims.

12. NUMBER OF LEGALLY-HELD WEAPONS IN
THE SIX COUNTIES

IT was reported on February 19 that the number of
weapons, including shotguns, held on licence in the
Six Counties last May was 144,554 - up by 5,634
(almost 4%) on the 2001 figure. It's undisputed that
the majority of licence holders are unionists.

13. M3 ROAD THROUGH TARA CHALLENGED
IN COURT

A PLAN to build a motorway beside the hill where
ancient Celtic kings were crowned is currently being
challenged in court as campaigners fight to save a
monument described by W B Yeats as the "most
consecrated spot in Ireland".

Campaigners against the proposed M3 route past
Ireland's greatest national monument, the Tara
complex, claimed in a landmark legal challenge that
the Dublin Administration deliberately watered down
legislation governing the protection of national
monuments and failed in its constitutional duty to
protect Irish heritage.

The constitutionality of existing legislation on the
protection of national monuments is the subject of a
High Court case that may force the Dublin government
to rewrite legislation and ultimately re-route the M3
motorway planned to run through the Tara valley.

The High Court action was taken to alter the pathway
of the proposed M3 motorway, which breaches the
archaeological complex. Irish citizen, Vincent
Salafia, is suing the Minister for the Environment,
Meath County Council, the Attorney General and the
National Roads Authority.

Recognised experts of Tara, Conor Newman and Edel
Bhreatnach testified that the current route being
excavated will entail the demolition of over 10
archaeological monuments in the valley between the
hills of Tara and Skryne, at least two of which are
national monuments in their own right, and that the
motorway is damaging the national monument. Judgment
is March 1, 2006.

An appeal to the Supreme Court is anticipated by both
parties. For more information see:
http://www.hilloftara.blogspot.com and
http://www.hilloftara.info

Join hundreds of academics and thousands of people
worldwide who are petitioning the 26-County Government
to stop the current archaeological excavations and
reroute the M3 motorway away from the Hill of Tara
archaeological complex, Ireland's premier national
monument. Please sign the online petition at:
http://www.petitiononline.com/hilltara/petition.html

In affidavits supplied to the court by leading Irish
archaeologists, it was claimed that the route of the
motorway runs directly through the series of national
monuments making up the Tara valley. However, the
government, Meath County Council, and the National
Roads Authority (NRA) argue that the national monument
is located at the Hill of Tara and that the
surrounding areas are not part of the monument.

The absence of legislation governing archaeological
landscapes has been criticised by groups such as the
Heritage Council, which argues that legislation in
other countries protects the landscape surrounding a
national monument and not merely the monument itself.

The Minister for the Environment, Dick Roche,
currently has sole discretion to define the importance
of national monuments, although he is obliged to take
advice from the Director of the National Museum, Dr
Pat Wallace.

Earlier this year Dr Wallace stated his belief that
the Tara Valley "constitutes an archaeological and
cultural landscape which deserves the fullest and most
generous protection". He said that the region was the
most important of its type in Ireland, "if not in
Europe".

Thirty-eight archaeological sites have been identified
along the M3's route.

Tara's importance as a religious centre dates from
around 4,000 BC. The oldest visible man-made feature
is the Mound of the Hostages, which dates from the
third millennium BC.

It is traditionally associated with Cormac Mac Art,
the legendary Irish High King. Tara became a pagan
spiritual and political centre in the third century
AD. It has remained a potent symbol of Ireland's
nationhood.

During the rebellion of 1798 the United Irishmen
camped on the hill, but were attacked and defeated by
British troops.

In 1843, Daniel O'Connell, the Irish MP, hosted a
'Repeal of the Union' political demonstration at Tara
which attracted one million supporters.

High Court Justice Thomas Smyth will give his decision
on the M3 motorway case on March 1.

14. CANDLE-LIT PROCESSION AT MCDOWELL'S CONSTITUENCY OFFICE

IN A statement on February 19 Cosantoiri Siochana -
The Peace Network said that a group of concerned
citizens, irate constituents and peace activists were
planning to hold a candle-lit vigil on Thursday,
February 23, at 5.30pm at The Diamond, Ranelagh,
Dublin in a bid to force Justice Minister, Michael
McDowell to implement the law regarding the searching
of all aircraft landing at Shannon Airport.

The statement said: "If possible, the group will also
congregate outside McDowell's constituency office
nearly before marching in single file to Rathmines
Garda Station, where they will hand in a signed letter
to the Superintendent commemorating both their concern
and their peaceful action.

"Despite substantial grounds for suspecting that
aircraft landing at Shannon are involved in torture,
Minister McDowell insists that the gardaí have no
right to mandatorially search aircraft. As citizens of
Ireland, we wish to complain of suspected grave
breaches of Irish human rights law. Section 4 (1) of
the Criminal Justice (UN Convention against Torture)
Act 2000 states:

" 'A person shall not be expelled or returned from the
State to another state if the Minister is of the
opinion that there are substantial grounds for
believing that the person would be subjected to
torture.'

"Flight records for CIA-chartered planes from
September 2001-September 2005 show that six of these
planes have landed at Shannon more than thirty-five
times. These include a Gulfstream jet, N379P, involved
in the abduction of two men from Sweden in 2001, from
where they were 'rendered' to Egypt and allegedly
tortured; a 737 registered as N4476S, which had been
spotted at Shannon, and which took part in the
kidnapping of the German, Khaled-el-Masri, who was
taken to Afghanistan and tortured; and the plane
involved in the abduction of Abu Omar from Italy to
Egypt in January 2003, which Minister Martin Cullen
admitted made a 'technical stop' at Shannon during
that mission."

ENDS

Oppose Loyalist March

2006-02-18T00:36:00.000-06:00

Oppose Loyalist March
(from the February, 2006 edition of SAOIRSE)

SAOIRSE calls on all true Republicans to oppose
the loyalist march due to take place through the
centre of Dublin on Saturday, February 25.
This call is made for three reasons:

1) One body sponsoring the march, FAIR (Families
Acting for Innocent Relatives) claims for loyalists a
near monopoly on suffering in Ireland since the
mid-1960s. This is not in accordance with the facts.
In the struggle for the national liberation of Ireland
over the past several decades,
over 1,000 members of the British Occupation Forces
were killed. Further, more than 1,000 innocent and
uninvolved nationalists were deliberately done to
death by loyalist death squads working in collusion
with the British forces.
The Sunday Business Post of September 4, 2005 gave the
following statistics: “Of the 698 Protestants (sic)
killed during violence in the North, 340 died at the
hands of loyalists. Since the first ceasefires in
1994, the vast majority of Protestant (sic)
victims have been killed by loyalists in internecine
feuds.”
It would appear then that FAIR should be marching on
the UDA and UVF headquarters in Belfast rather
than through the centre of Dublin to Leinster House.
In their progress through O’Connell Street, they will
pass by Sackville Place (by the side of Clery’s
department store) where two CIE busmen were killed by
loyalist no-warning bombs in December 1972. Will FAIR
pause at that spot and pay respects?
To highlight the fact that there is no hierarchy in
suffering, Republican Sinn Féin’s President, Ruairí Ó
Brádaigh will, before the loyalist march moves off,
lay a wreath at the end of Talbot Street – opposite
Connolly station – at the memorial to the 33 innocent
victims, both Catholic and Protestant, killed by
loyalist bombs in Dublin and Monaghan on May 17, 1974.
This will be done with respect and dignity.
Listed on page three in this issue are the names of
another 13 victims killed by loyalists south of the
Border from Donegal to Cavan, Monaghan and Louth.
British forces colluded in these deaths also, and
refused 30 years later to cooperate in inquiries into
the tragedies.
In the 26 Counties, the Department of Justice “lost”
the files relating to these victims of imperialism and
Garda Headquarters “mislaid” their files also. It
seems the lives of citizens counted for very little.

2) The second reason for opposing the march is that
Republicans stand in solidarity with the beleaguered
nationalists of the Garvaghy Road, Ardoyne, Dunloy and
other such areas that have had triumphalist loyalist
marches imposed on them forcefully year after year.
They are made witnesses of their own humiliation.
The 26-County Administration, by collaborating with
this loyalist march, has effectively turned its back
on all those, north and south, who have suffered at
the hands of British-backed death squads down the
decades.
The question which has not been asked in this debate
is whether nationalist parades, of whatever kind, or
even Civil Rights marches would be allowed through the
centre of Portadown or down Belfast’s Royal Avenue?
The British forces would certainly block them.
When the British government finally leaves Ireland and
loyalist marches will no longer be a question of
supremacy of Unionists over Nationalists, then all
interests will be welcome and free to parade wherever
they choose.
Reference has been made to the Orange section of the
Irish National Tricolour. This applies to the Irish
Protestant population, in general, not all of whom are
coat-trailing Orangemen.
When he brought the Irish Tricolour from Paris and
presented it as a symbol of inclusivity to the Irish
people on April 15, 1848, Thomas Francis Meagher said:
“The White in the centre signifies a lasting truce
between the Orange and the Green, and I trust that
beneath its folds the hands of the Irish Protestant
and the Irish Catholic may be clasped in generous and
heroic brotherhood.
“If this flag is destined to fan the flames of war,
let England behold once more, upon that white centre,
the Red Hand that struck her down from the hills of
Ulster.”
Before the loyalist march on February 25, Republican
Sinn Féin will assemble at the Parnell monument at the
top of O’Connell Street beneath a banner which bears
the immortal words of Wolfe Tone, the Father of Irish
Republicanism:
“Unite Protestant, Catholic and Dissenter” … “To Break
the Connection with England.”
The pamphlet “An Address to the People of Ireland”...
which “makes special appeal to the people of the
Unionist persuasion” will be distributed.
The text includes an appeal “to everybody to consider
again our ÉIRE NUA programme for a four-province
federal Ireland, with optimum devolution of powers
down to community level”.
ÉIRE NUA concludes: “These proposals are not
definitive; they can and inevitably will be modified.
Sinn Féin Poblachtach would in fact welcome
constructive criticism of these proposals.”

3) The third reason to oppose this loyalist march is
clear. For some time now the 26-County State
Establishment has sought to bring the Queen of England
on an official state visit to Dublin.
Remember this crowned head claims to be “Queen of
Northern Ireland” as well as of “Great Britain”. Such
a personage making such a claim has not been seen in
Dublin for 95 years – since 1911.
The proposed loyalist march is very definitely part of
a softening-up process for an Official Visit to Dublin
by an English Queen claiming part of Ireland. The like
has not been seen since Partition in 1921.
And now, on the 90th anniversary of the 1916 Rising,
the siren voices tell Republicans to ignore this
loyalist march. If we do, they will return with even
greater insistence and tell us to ignore the state
Visit of the Queen of England.
In other words, to stay away, make no protest, and
accept finally that the Six Occupied Counties belong
to England. Is that what you want?
NEVER.

IRISH REPUBLICAN INFORMATION SERVICE (no. 54)

2006-02-16T04:24:00.000-06:00

IRISH REPUBLICAN INFORMATION SERVICE (no. 54)
Teach Dáithí Ó Conaill, 223 Parnell Street, Dublin
1, Ireland
Phone: +353-1-872 9747; FAX: +353-1-872 9757; e-mail:
saoirse@iol.ie
Date: 15 Feabhra / February 2006

Internet resources maintained by SAOIRSE-Irish Freedom

http://saoirse.rr.nu

Irish Republican Information Service
THE body styling itself 'Limerick Republican
Information Service' is not connected with the Irish
Republican Information Service (IRIS), 223 Parnell
Street, Dublin 1, email saoirse@iol.ie and has not
been authorised either by IRIS or by the body that
sponsors IRIS, Republican Sinn Fein. Therefore it is
totally unauthorised and should be regarded as such.

In this issue:
1. Finucane rejects 'sham' of new British inquiry
2. Solicitor advised UVF clients to 'take out' victim
3. US AOH campaign to clear captain's name
4. Court official suspended in Irish race row
5. Belfast bookies murder weapons probe call
6. Unemployed men jailed
7. Relatives to oppose plans for new bar on Stardust
site

1. FINUCANE REJECTS 'SHAM' OF NEW BRITISH INQUIRY

THE son of the murdered Belfast solicitor Pat Finucane
speaking on February 9 said that his family would
refuse to participate in a new British Government
inquiry into his death because it was a sham.

Michael Finucane, a solicitor based in Dublin, told
the Leinster House Committee on Foreign Affairs that
new British legislation introduced to facilitate the
inquiry would give the right to British government
ministers - and not the inquiry judges - to determine
what evidence and witnesses could, and could not, be
made available to the inquiry.

In an outspoken criticism of the new British Inquiries
Act, he said that the British Six County Direct Ruler
Peter Hain had confirmed to him that the British
Government would have the powers to restrict the
evidence available to the inquiry or decide that
evidence be heard in camera.

"If the (presiding) judge did not agree, there were
two stark options," said Michael Finucane.

"He would preside over an inquiry where he disagreed
with the rules and would frankly look like a fool. Or
else he could walk. It was my way or the highway."

He contended the British government would retain
ultimate control over the proceedings, and as they
were the executive in government, their decisions
would be immune from challenge.

"It will be a government-controlled intelligence
services inquiry. (It could be) the only people in the
room talking to each other are the people who created
the collusion monster in the first places. We will not
participate in such a sham," he said.

Michael Finucane appeared before the committee along
with his late father's legal partner, Peter Madden,
and Pat Finucane's brother, Dermot.

Peter Madden said that the main issue was whether the
families will be given a full independent inquiry into
Pat Finucane's murder

"The position is that is not going to be the case
after meeting with Peter Hain," he said.

A British-backed loyalist death squad murdered Pat
Finucane (39) outside his north Belfast home in 1989.
There has been compelling evidence of collusion
between Loyalist death squads and British Crown
forces.

Michael Finucane said: "The case has been particularly
controversial because it has reached the stage where
concrete evidence of collusion between British
security services and loyalists has gone beyond the
point of doubt."

He said when the family met Peter Hain it was not a
question of if, but how much collusion. Mr Hain said
the inquiry would determine how far up the chain
collusion went.

Meanwhile more evidence emerged that an RUC Special
Branch was aware of a UDA plot to kill the family of
Pat Finucane but failed to inform them of the threat,
The Irish News has learned.

Senior British Six-County sources last confirmed on
February 8 that the RUC Special Branch had been
alerted that the UDA in north Belfast planned to
murder members of the family in summer 2003.

However, despite evidence of a murder plot the
RUC\PSNI Special Branch failed to inform the Finucanes
that their lives were in danger.

2. SOLICITOR ADVISED UVF CLIENTS TO 'TAKE OUT' VICTIM

A SOLICITOR secretly taped during meetings with
Loyalist suspects tried to have a wounded taxi driver
assassinated before he could speak to the RUC\PSNI, a
Six-County court heard on February 7.

Manmohan "Johnny" Sandhu, 41, is accused of phoning an
associate in an attempt to have Ulster Volunteer Force
gun attack victim Jonathan Hillier "taken out" as he
lay in hospital.

The lawyer also allegedly contacted a UVF boss in east
Belfast and urged him to hide a man suspected of
involvement in another murder carried out during a
violent feud.

Details were disclosed as Sandhu, of Colby Avenue,
Derry, was granted bail but banned from the RUC/PSNI's
so-called Antrim Serious Crime Suite, where he was
covertly bugged.

Sandhu was recorded at least 70 times during
consultations with clients at the station, the North's
only terrorist holding centre.

He was arrested on January 30 and charged with four
counts of perverting the course of justice and one of
attempting to incite the murder of Jonathan Hillier,
between July and November last year.

Jonathan Hillier was shot on the Westwinds estate in
Newtownards, Co Down, last August at the height of a
bloody dispute between the UVF and the splinter
Loyalist Volunteer Force.

Prosecuting barrister, David Hopley, told the
Six-County High Court that the case was one of a
number in which Sandhu allegedly used his mobile phone
to pass information from clients at the holding centre
to senior UVF representatives.

David Hopley told the court that the RUC\PSNI believe
Sandhu telephoned an unknown person to tell them that
Jonathan Hillier was at the Ulster Hospital, on the
outskirts of east Belfast, advising them: "He's got to
be taken out. He hasn't made a statement yet."

"While consulting with a client at Antrim Serious
Crime Suite, the client raised the possibility of the
trial not going ahead if the victim, Mr Hillier, could
not attend," added David Hopley.

The decision to tape Sandhu's meetings sparked
controversy; with his legal representatives claiming
it was a clear breach of solicitor-client
confidentiality.

Leaders of the Six-County Law Society have expressed
their concerns to the head of the RUC\PSNI Hugh Orde.

3. US AOH campaign to clear captain's name

A leading Irish-American organisation has backed a
campaign to clear the name of a 26-County army captain
involved in the 1970 arms trial.

Captain James Kelly was charged - along with 26-County
ministers Charles J Haughey, Neil T Blaney, John Kelly
and businessman Albert Luykx - with illegally
importing arms into the 26-Counties in 1970.

Four of the five men went to trial after it was
claimed they had imported arms for transfer to the
Six-Counties. All four were acquitted but the crisis
caused great controversy in the 26-County state.

James Kelly, who died in 2003, worked as an
intelligence officer for the 26-County army. He was a
key conduit in the late 1960s between the 26-County
government and members of the nationalist community
within the Six Counties.

Despite his acquittal, James Kelly's family claims
that his reputation never recovered and that he was
shunned by the 26-County state.

A campaign was launched several years ago to clear his
name. The president of the Ancient Order of HiberNians
(AOH) in the United States has thrown the weight of
his 60,000-strong organisation behind the campaign.

In a letter to the head of the 26-County government
Bertie Ahern, Ned McGinley, who met James Kelly's
relatives last year, urged Bertie Ahern to take
action.

"In your past comments, you have noted that you
believe Captain Kelly was operating under what he
believed were proper orders and you had no reason to
doubt his integrity, which would mean that the step to
clear his name is very close," said Ned McGinley.

"We request that your move to completely clear Captain
James Kelly's name should be sooner rather than later.

"This action will help to close a sad chapter in the
conflict that has been known as 'the Troubles' for
more than 30 years and is important to total
reconciliation."

AOH websites across the United States have created
links with the Captain Kelly Justice Campaign website
(www.captainkelly.org).

Campaign activists in the United States will send the
AOH president's letter this week to former US
president Bill Clinton, together with James Kelly's
last book on the arms trial, The Thimbleriggers, which
was written in 1999.

4. COURT OFFICIAL SUSPENDED IN IRISH RACE ROW

AN official in the Scottish court service has been
suspended for allegedly sending an abusive and racist
e-mail, describing Irish people as "green scum".

The Scottish Executive on February 1 confirmed a
junior member of staff was under investigation, the
day after Jack McConnell had set out an 18-point plan
to crack down on sectarianism in Scotland.

The e-mail, which told people proud of being Irish to
go and live there, was raised with executive ministers
by one of the organisers of a Bloody Sunday
commemorative march. This person says they received it
two weeks ago, the day after violence erupted at the
march in Glasgow to commemorate the Bloody Sunday
massacre in the Six-Counties in 1972.

Eleanor Emberson, the chief executive of the court
service, confirmed a disciplinary investigation had
started. She stressed the court service was "committed
to fair treatment for all. Our customer and staff
policies promote the value of diversity.

"The organisation requires staff to meet the highest
standards of behaviour and conduct at all times. Any
activity that has any racist or sectarian connotation
is treated as a serious breach of conduct."

The investigation comes at an embarrassing time for
McConnell's administration, as he steps up his
campaign to stamp out religious bigotry, with plans
for Catholic and non-denominational schools to be
twinned for sports, drama, and field trips. The
executive is to provide an information pack for
schools and local councils encouraging the "twinning"
arrangements.

The campaign will also impose bans on disruptive
individuals attending marches, and review the impact
of sectarianism in Scottish workplaces. It follows a
summit held in Glasgow last year and some of its
points have already been launched.

5. BELFAST BOOKIES MURDER WEAPONS PROBE CALL

THE families of five people murdered in a
British-backed loyalist gun attack on a south Belfast
bookmaker's have called on the RUC/PSNI to make public
the history of the weapons used in the attack.

Relatives of the dead gathered outside the Seán
Graham betting shop on the Ormeau Road on February 6
for a memorial service on the 14th anniversary of the
killings.

On February 5, 1992, two Ulster Defence Association
gunmen opened fire in the bookmaker's shop with an
AK47 assault rifle and a Browning pistol. They killed
five people.

It later emerged that the UDA informer William Stobie
had given the Browning pistol to RUC detectives before
the attack.

The RUC gave the gun back to the UDA, which used the
weapon to murder a nationalist in a west Belfast pub
before using it in the Seán Graham massacre.

The AK47 had previously been used by the Ulster
Volunteer Force in a murder bid on a north Belfast
nationalist.

The British Colonial police have consistently refused
to make public the full history of the weapons,
despite repeated requests from the families of the
Seán Graham victims to do so.

A section of a report by the Canadian judge Peter Cory
into cases of collusion between the British Crown
forces and loyalist death squads focuses on the guns.

However, in the final published version of his
investigation, sentences detailing the history of the
weapons are deleted.

Seán Graham survivor Mark Sykes, who was shot five
times in the attack, said he believed that senior
members of the RUC/PSNI were determined to prevent the
history of the weapons being made public. He has
maintained they have something to hide.

"There is something about those guns that they don't
want us to find out," he said. "Why else are they
refusing to disclose the full history of the weapons?
Why was this crucial information deleted in the
published version of the Cory report?

"I was shot five times in the attack. My
brother-in-law was killed, along with four other
people. I have a right to know the history of the guns
involved."

The Browning and AK47 were part of a consignment
brought into the Six-Counties in December 1987 by
British agent Brian Nelson.

The double agent's British army handlers had full
knowledge of the huge arms shipment but did nothing to
prevent the transportation from apartheid South
Africa.

The arms were divided between the UDA, UVF and the
Ulster Resistance group, which for a time had links to
Ian Paisley's Democratic Unionist Party.

The South African weapons have been used in more than
100 sectarian killings since January 1988.

Those murdered in the Seán Graham betting shop 14
years ago were Christy
Doherty, Jack Duffin, James Kennedy, William McManus
and Peter Magee.

Four of the five UDA men who planned and carried out
the attack are also dead. They are Joe Bratty, Raymond
Elder, Jim Gray and Terry Mercer. The fifth man was
expelled from the UDA's east Belfast brigade last year
after an internal row.

6. UNEMPLOYED MEN JAILED

THREE unemployed bricklayers who refused to stop
picketing a Dublin building site were jailed by Judge
Mary Laffoy at the Dublin High Court on February 10.

This followed an application by a construction company
for orders for their committal to prison. The men
claimed they had unsuccessfully sought work at the
site owned by Collen Construction Ltd at Ballybrack
and all three told the court they would continue to
picket the site.

The families of the three men said they were fully
behind the men. Andrew Clarke (24) of Cromlech Fields,
Keith Kelly (37) of Ashlawn Park, Ballybrack, and
William McClurg (50) Sallynoggin had sought work on a
site at Laurel Avenue, Ballybrack, from Collon
Construction Ltd. The firm is constructing 77 social
and affordable houses for Dun Laoghaire Rathdown Co
Council. The men claim they were not employed because
they are active members of the Building and Allied
Trades Union (Batu).

June McClurg, wife of Billy McClurg said she was upset
by her husband's jailing but backed his decision. "He
is 30 years a bricklayer and has been out of work
since November. There is plenty of work up there, but
he is a union man and they don't want a union man."

Doreen Kelly, sister of Keith Kelly, said he had three
children, including a six-week-old boy, and the
decision not to obey the court order was not taken
lightly. He felt he was doing it for his children's
future and we are supporting him 100 per cent," she
said. A protest march in support of the men converged
on another Collen site at the Municipal Gallery on
Parnell Square. Organisers said they hoped building
workers and other workers from across Dublin would
support the protest.

8. RELATIVES TO OPPOSE PLANS FOR NEW BAR ON STARDUST
SITE

A FAMILY bereaved by the Stardust disaster pledged to
oppose the opening of a new bar on the site of the
nightclub and to object to further planning
applications.

On February 13, on the 25th anniversary of the fire
which claimed 48 lives, a planning application under
the name of Patrick Butterly and Sons Limited, the
owners of the Stardust nightclub, appeared in national
newspapers. The application seeks permission for
alternations to a car park on the eastern side of
Butterly Business Park, close to the site on which the
Stardust once stood.

On February 14 a new bar called the Silver Swan opened
on the Stardust site but families and friends of the
Stardust victims staged protest outside the building.

Speaking on February 13 Antoinette Keegan, a
spokeswoman for the Stardust Victims Committee,
expressed both her surprise and disappointment on
hearing that planning application by the Butterlys had
appeared on the 25th anniversary of the tragedy.

She would be objecting to the proposal because it is
near what is now a "graveyard" to 48 people, and would
support any proposed protest outside the new premises.
"If this planning application goes to the courts, I am
going to need public support so I am asking people to
get behind us," she said.

Referring to RTÉ's two-part documentary on the
tragedy, aired on February 12 and 13, Antoinette
Keegan praised the station's realistic and sensitive
portrayal.

Antoinette Keegan, whose family were the main subjects
of the RTÉ drama Stardust, said the scenes of smoke
enveloping the nightclub, fire rolling across the
ceiling and mass hysteria towards the exit were
extraordinarily realistic.

"It brought it all back to me, I felt trapped as I sat
on a stool in our kitchen having flashbacks to that
night. It was one flashback after another. I don't
know how RTÉ made it so realistic. It was like being
back in there," she said.

After the first programme, Antoinette Keegan - who
survived the fire but lost her two sisters, Mary and
Martina - received numerous calls from strangers
offering their support. "There were men crying down
the phone, asking us how did we live through it all,"
she said.

On February 14, an RTE Prime Time interview with a
leading specialist in the area of fire dynamics,
material flammability and fire-safety design,
questioned the findings of the 1981 tribunal, which
concluded that the cause of the fire was probably
arson.

Families bereaved by the Stardust tragedy are now
calling on the 26-County Government to launch a new
investigation into the Stardust disaster. One of the
families has called for the exhumation of the remains
of their son so DNA testing can confirm his resting
place and they can erect a tombstone.

Antoinette Keegan said she hoped the RTÉ series would
encourage the 26-County Government, public and media
to ask questions of the 1981 tribunal findings.

ENDS

IRISH REPUBLICAN INFORMATION SERVICE (no. 53)

2006-02-07T23:41:00.000-06:00

IRISH REPUBLICAN INFORMATION SERVICE (no. 53)
Teach Dáithí Ó Conaill, 223 Parnell Street, Dublin 1,
Ireland
Phone: +353-1-872 9747; FAX: +353-1-872 9757; e-mail:
saoirse@iol.ie
Date: 7 Feabhra / February 2006
Internet resources maintained by SAOIRSE-Irish Freedom

http://saoirse.rr.nu

Irish Republican Information Service
THE body styling itself 'Limerick Republican
Information Service' is not connected with the Irish
Republican Information Service (IRIS), 223 Parnell
Street, Dublin 1, email saoirse@iol.ie and has not
been authorised either by IRIS or by the body that
sponsors IRIS, Republican Sinn Fein. Therefore it is
totally unauthorised and should be regarded as such.

In this issue:
1. Continuity IRA's attack barracks in Tyrone
2. RPAG rejects miniscule proposals for Maghaberry
prisoners
3. Statement from Republican prisoners, E3, Portlaoise
4. RSF to hold demonstration against loyalist march
5. Ó Brádaigh book launch announced
6. Loyalists blamed for blast bomb on family
7. School targeted in Belfast
8. Sport urged to support Dorrian family
9. Rossport 5 withdraw from State 'talks process'
10. Five-year GMO potato experiment near Tara
11. Focus Ireland publishes plan to 'make home a
reality'
12. Prisoners to get postal vote
13. Auction of 1916-1922 historical documents, letters
etc
14. First woman president of Chile
15. Amnesty report on Guantanamo Bay

1. CONTINUITY IRA'S ATTACK BARRACKS IN TYRONE

IN a report carried in a national newspaper on
February 1 it was stated that a bomb planted by
Republicans in Tyrone failed to explode.

A caller to the paper, representing the Continuity
Irish Republican Army's East Tyrone Brigade, said the
group had launched a bomb attack on Coalisland
RUC/PSNI Military Barracks on January 30. He said the
bomb had failed to go off.

On January 31 Coalisland was the focus of a massive
Crown Forces operation throughout the day. The area
around the barracks in the middle of the small town
was cordoned of and the British army bomb squad moving
in and out of the barracks. The area was swamped with
the RUC and British Army.

Using a recognised codeword, the caller said the
package had a live detonator and a battery.

British  Crown Forces said they had failed to recover
the device, but after the news paper article said they
were examining council vehicles in case a street
sweeper had picked up the bomb.

A bomb was found on February 3 in a hijacked car left
outside Antrim Road RUC/PSNI station in north Belfast.
It was found after a six-hour operation in which the
British army carried out several controlled explosions
which damaged a number of properties.  No-one was
injured, as residents had been moved to safety. Police
said the car had been hijacked on January 26.

The Continuity IRA claimed responsibility for
explosive devices left at the RUC/PSNI barracks on the
Antrim Road in north Belfast and at Carrigfergus
Castle on the Antrim coast.

2. RPAG REJECTS MINISCULE PROPOSALS FOR MAGHABERRY
PRISONERS

IN A statement on February 5 the PRO of the Republican
Prisoners' Action Group (RPAG) said they rejected "the
minimal nature of the recent proposals outlined by the
Six County Prisons' Minister, Shaun Woodward". These
follow a recent internal review of the existing
prisoners' 'Compact' and the segregated regime
operating in Maghaberry Gaol.

The statement continued: "Woodward's proposals seek to
reward those 'who exhibit good behaviour' and accept
voluntary drug testing. As the RPAG has previously
pointed out, no Republican prisoner has ever been
found to be in possession of drugs. Furthermore this
carrot and stick approach clearly seeks to reward
prisoners who are prepared to accept criminalisation
as demanded under the terms of the 1998 Stormont
Agreement.

"Segregated prisoners are forced to endure a much more
restrictive regime than those who fall under the terms
of the integrated regime - despite the fact that
segregation was introduced to safeguard prisoners
against attack. In October 1999 a Republican POW was
scalded by Loyalist inmates whilst being held in
integrated conditions.

"The proposed changes to the current policy on
controlled movement of prisoners are negligible and
excessive lockdowns are set to continue. On a bad day
prisoners may be locked up for at least 22 1/2 hours -
with every second day being a bad day. On a bad Sunday
prisoners are locked up from 11:45a.m. until 2:15p.m.
the next day (p.85 of Review).

"Whilst proposing a slight reduction in the frequency
of rub down searches, there are no plans to cease
degrading strip-searches of inmates. The right of a
prisoner to be present during cell searches is also to
be denied, rendering the procedure open to abuse by
the screws.

"The recommendation that local councillors
representing political organisations be allowed
occasional visits penalises Republican prisoners and
their political representatives as they are prevented
from contesting council seats due to the political
test oath introduced in May, 1989.

"It is clear that the inhumane conditions outlined by
Msgr Faul - in response to a submission from the RPAG
- are set to continue in Maghaberry. We call on
everyone to support the demands of Republican POWs in
Maghaberry, including their rights to education,
adequate medical treatment, free association, open
family visits and an end to humiliating
strip-searching."

3. STATEMENT FROM REPUBLICAN PRISONERS, E3, PORTLAOISE

THE following statement was released to IRIS on
February 5 from the Republican POWs aligned to the
Continuity IRA who are currently housed as guests on
E3 Landing, Portlaoise prison.

"Republican POWs regardless of when or where they have
been incarcerated have always conducted themselves
with the dignity befitting their status and such is
the case on E3 Landing.

"To be housed on E3 all prisoners must adherÿe to a
strict set of rules regarding their conduct. Failure
to comply with these rules warrants dismissal from the
landing.
"Only the highest of standards are expected and
received from the prisoners, none of whom would find
themselves in prison were it not for the political
situation on this island.

"There is not now nor has there ever been a case where
any prisoner on E3 has sought to be segregated from
others. All the POWs on E3 are united on these issues
and we, the CIRA POWs, have taken this unprecedented
step of releasing this one-off statement to counter
recent malicious reports in the media which has tried
and failed to sow division among those who continue
the struggle for a united Ireland.

"Although there may be political differences both
groups live in harmony with each other on the
landing."
- OC
CIRA prisoners
E3 Landing
Portlaoise prison

4. RSF TO HOLD DEMONSTRATION AGAINST LOYALIST MARCH

REPUBLICAN Sinn Féin, who were the first to speak out
against the staging of a Loyalist march in Dublin
announced that they will be assembling at the Parnell
monument at the top of O'Connell St at 12 noon on
February 25.

RSF Vice President Des Dalton said they were doing so
to show solidarity with the beleaguered nationalist
people of the Six Counties as well as to oppose the
staging of sectarian marches. "This march is offensive
to all who oppose sectarianism, bigotry and racism.
Those who are organising this march represent the same
people who have burned homes, schools and churches
across the Six Counties.

"They represent groups who have murdered innocent
uninvolved people as a matter of policy simply because
of their religion. They speak about tolerance, yet
when was a nationalist parade of any kind, cultural or
political been allowed to take place in Portadown or
East Belfast? Many nationalist communities are afraid
to even display GAA club or county colours in case of
loyalist attack." He said. "We are calling on all of
our members and supporters as well as all who oppose
this march to join us on February 25."

5. Ó BRÁDAIGH BOOK LAUNCH ANNOUNCED

THE much anticipated biography of Republican Sinn Féin
President Ruairí Ó Brádaigh, "Ruairí Ó Brádaigh, the
life and politics of an Irish Revolutionary"; by US
academic Robert W. White, will be launched in Ireland
on April 12 in Dublin. (More details later)

6. LOYALISTS BLAMED FOR BLAST BOMB ON FAMILY

A DERRY man whose family home was targeted in an
overnight blast bomb attack on February 3 said he
believes loyalists were responsible.

James Poole, who has lived in his house at Benview in
Coshquin for 45 years, said his wife's nerves were
shattered since the midnight attack when the bedroom
window was blown in by the blast.

Their 10-year-old daughter Ruth was asleep in the back
of the house, near the border with Donegal, when the
bomb exploded. None of the family was injured in the
incident.

He said: "I'm just shocked. I was in the front room
watching the TV. I'd just taken the wife down a water
bottle when there was a bright orange flash and then a
bang. The windows were put in and then I saw a bolt on
the floor.

"These people are all cowards. They came at night so
as not to be seen. I've lived here for 45 years. I've
been threatened by loyalists in the past, in August or
September, one came up to the house and hit me a slap
in the mouth.

"I'm not prepared to say why but it's just a dispute
with somebody and they've gotten loyalists involved
somehow." James Poole told how his wife was partially
protected by curtains when the bedroom window
shattered. Two large chunks of masonry were taken out
of the wall.

A neighbour who was wakened by the blast said: "I was
in bed and I just heard a loud bang. It was a scary
experience. I didn't know what it was. "There has been
quite a lot of activity here ever since."

7. SCHOOL TARGETED IN BELFAST

A BOMB was found in a hijacked car left outside Antrim
Road police station in north Belfast on February 3.

It was found after a six-hour operation involving
several controlled explosions which damaged a number
of properties.

No one was injured, as residents had been moved to
safety. The car was hijacked on January 26.

Meanwhile, more than 700 pupils at St Colm's High
School, Twinbrook, were sent home on January 27 when a
pipe with wires on it was discovered close to the
front gates.

School principal at St Colm's High, Imelda Jordan,
commended staff and pupils for their swift response
and condemned those responsible.

"The children's parents sent them to school today
believing they would be in our care and kept safe
throughout the school day, I wasn't able to do that,"
she said.

"I had to send 700 children home without transport and
without being able to contact their parents."

The device was later declared an elaborate hoax.

8. SPORT URGED TO SUPPORT DORRIAN FAMILY

ONE of the biggest soccer clubs in the Six Counties
clubs called on sports teams across the Six Counties
to support the family of murdered Bangor woman Lisa
Dorrian on February 4.

It is believed there may have been Loyalist
involvement in her murder, however unlike the case of
Robert McCartney there has been little or no media
focus on the case.

Girls from Linfield's junior team will display a
banner saying "Sport in Northern Ireland Says Bring
Lisa Home" at the team's league clash with Ards in
Bangor.

The team's senior players will stand behind the
display before kick-off as a show of solidarity with
the heartbroken family and Junior Blues co-ordinator
Andrew Conn wants other teams to do the same.

He said: "I'm hoping other teams will follow our lead.
I want others, the Ulster rugby team, GAA teams, motor
bikers, anyone, to do the same too. I'll take the
banner to any team who would be willing to display it;
I think it is the least we can all do.

"I just think the whole country should be getting
behind this family. I've looked at the website and
read messages from the thousands of people who support
them and as far as I'm concerned, this is the least we
can do.

"The tragedy upsets me deeply, I have a seven-year-old
daughter and I sincerely hope that 18 years down the
line, I won't have to face the living hell the
Dorrians are going through." Speaking on behalf of the
family, Lisa's sister Joanne said they were touched by
the gesture.

"We think it's great that Linfield have come on board
and offered their support," she said. The family will
also be handing out the blue campaign ribbons to the
supporters as they enter the grounds."

9. ROSSPORT 5 WITHDRAW FROM STATE 'TALKS PROCESS'

THE five Rossport men who spent 94 days in prison last
year because of their opposition to the Shell/Statoil
Corrib gas field  withdrew from the 26-County state
sponsored talks process on February 1  because of
interference from the 26-County Communications, Marine
and Natural Resources Minister, Noel Dempsey.

The five, Michael O Seighin, Willie Corduff, Brendan
Philbin, Vincent and Phillip McGrath said that a clear
discrepancy has emerged between the 26-County Minister
and the appointed mediator Peter Cassells, former ICTU
General Secretary. The five men called on Noel Dempsey
to stop interfering and "redefining the process agreed
by Shell and ourselves."

Responding to a statement made by Noel Dempsey on
Midwest Radio that he never intended mediation to take
place solely between the five men and Shell, the group
referred to serval statements made by the 26-County
Minister in Leinster House last year, which contradict
this. Peter Cassells meanwhile said he is "very keen"
to clarify any confusion over his role.

Peter Cassells said his understanding of mediation
involved a number of elements, including formal
mediation between Shell and the Rossport five and
mediation with several other non-consenting
landowners, including Brid McGarry and Monica Muller.
The Rossport five said that Peter Cassells had
confirmed to them in informal discussions that
mediation was "to be a process between the Rossport
five and Shell. It now transpires that Minister
Dempsey mislead us and the Dáil (sic) as to the true
nature of what he understood mediation to mean", they
said.

The Rossport Five and some of their friends will be in
Doolin, Co Clare on February 11 to play music with
local musicians at the Russell Cultural Centre, Doolin
and to talk to the local and wider community of North
Clare and beyond about their ongoing fight against
Shell and the Dublin Government

10. FIVE-YEAR GMO POTATO EXPERIMENT NEAR TARA

IT was reported on January 29 that the German company
BASF Plant Science GmbH (an affiliate of the giant
transnational chemicals and drugs company BASF) has
notified the EPA of its intention to deliberately
release GMO potatoes into the environment 9km south of
the Hill of Tara, on a 2 Ha plot at Arodstown,
Summerhill, Co. Meath.

The site is located 2km north of the R156 road between
Dunboyne and Summerhill (approx. OS grid reference: N
885 500). If given the go-ahead, this would be the
first Irish release of GMO crops since protestors
ended Monsanto's GMO beet trials in 1998.
The notification submitted by BASF does not appear to
include plans for any environmental impact assessment.
Farmers, environmental groups and consumers have
expressed total opposition to this unwanted experiment
which would terminate Ireland's economically valuable
GM-free status. The deadline for related public
submissions to the EPA is 5pm on 22 February 2006.

11. FOCUS IRELAND PUBLISHES PLAN TO 'MAKE HOME A
REALITY'

THE charity for the homeless, Focus Ireland, have
published a five-year programme 'to tackle
shortcomings in services for the homeless'. Their
strategy is to 'make home a reality for 2,000
households by 2010.

Declan Jones, Chief executive of Focus Ireland, said
there were 48,000 households on local authority
housing waiting lists. "While private-sector housing
development continues to thrive with an estimated
71,000 private units built in 2004, there was a
decline of 21.6% in the provision of social housing,"
he said.

The key objectives of the plan will be a) to expand
the charity's capacity to help homeless households by
300 households in Dublin city; b) to develop
additional units in Dublin and Waterford; c) to
develop early intervention measures such as "Young
Persons Residential Hub" in Dublin, to support young
people who have been, or are at risk of becoming,
homeless; d) to develop its educational programmes for
people leaving prison and cement links with the
Probation and Welfare Services; e) to double its
community settlement team providing support too more
households settling into new homes.

They hope to raise €37 million for the strategy which
they say will cost in the region of €200 million -
most of which will be provided by the State.

12. PRISONERS TO GET POSTAL VOTE

IT was reported in January that legislation is being
prepared to allow all prisoners in jails in the
26-Counties to have a postal vote. The legislation is
being drafted to comply with a ruling by the European
Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg and is expected to
be in place in time for the next general election.

The issue came to the fore in October 2005 when a
prisoner serving a life sentence in England, John
Hirst, challenged the British government over his
inability to vote while imprisoned. The European Court
of Human Rights ruled that the British Government had
violated a prisoner's right by refusing him the
facility to vote in an election.

A confusing situation exists in the 26-Counties in
relation to prisoners' voting. While they always had
the right to vote the authorities never provided the
facilities for them to vote - the authorities were
under no obligation to provide them with those
facilities.
To further confuse the issue, in 2001 when a Dublin
prisoner challenged the 26-County Administration over
the same issue the Supreme Court ruled that 'while
prisoners were detained in accordance with the law,
some of their constitutional rights, including the
right to exercise the franchise, were necessarily
suspended'. Now however the State will be obliged to
provide the facilities if the legislation is passed.

13. AUCTION OF 1916-1922 HISTORICAL DOCUMENTS, LETTERS
ETC

AN auction to be held during Easter Week in April by
McAdam's/Mealy's auctioneers will include a letter
written by Seán Mac Diarmada on the eve of his
execution on May 12, 1916.

The one-page letter is to the father of Volunteer
Edward Daly who was executed on May 4 and was his
brother-in-law. In it he writes: "I expect in a few
hours to join Tom and the other heroes in a better
world. I have been sentenced to a soldier's death to
be shot tomorrow morning. We die that the Irish nation
may live...Let present day place hunters condemn our
actions as they will, posterity will judge us right."

The letter in the possession of a Donegal man and is
expected to fetch in the region of  €15,000 - €20,000.

For auction also is an essay by Michael Collins,
Ancient and Modern Warfare, written in 1904 (when he
was 14) and was given to one of his teachers after
Collins's death. He was shot in an ambush at Beal na
mBlath in 1922. It is expected to fetch between
€30,000 - €40,000.

A letter written by Thomas Francis Meagher from
Richmond Jail in 1849 on the eve of his transportation
to Tasmania is expected to fetch between €3,000 -
€5,000. Thomas Francis Meagher had been found guilty
of treason and sentenced to be hanged, drawn and
quartered but the sentence was commuted to life
imprisonment in Tasmania. At his trial he addressed
the court: "My Lord, this is our first offence, but
not our last. If you will be easy with us this once,
we promise, on our word as gentlemen, to try better
next time."

He escaped from Tasmania in 1852 and made his way to
New York where he founded the newspaper The Irish
News. He commanded the Regiment of the Wild Gees on
the Union side in the American Civil war and later
served as the Governor of Montana.   

Papers from the 1880-1916 period relating to Tom
Clarke (the first signatory of the 1916 Proclamation)
is also going under the hammer - some of the letters
are written by Tom Clarke including the one written
from Kilmainham to his wife Kathleen before his
execution and others written earlier from prisons in
England and Ireland.

A copy of the 1916 Proclamation is also expected to be
auctioned. Two Proclamations were sold last year. One
made €200,000, the other almost €400,000.

14. FIRST WOMAN PRESIDENT OF CHILE

MICHELLE Bachelet was elected President of Chile on
January 15 last. She is only the second woman to
become president of a country in South America, Janet
Jagen became President of Guyana in 1997. A socialist
agnostic public health doctor, and a separated mother
of three, she defeated the conservative billionaire
Sebastian Pinera in the presidential election.

She campaigned for Salvador Allende in 1970 and her
father, who was an air force general, was tortured to
death by the pinochet military after the brutal coup
in 1973.

She continued to work with victims of Pinochet's
regime but was betrayed by an informer and she and her
mother were arrested and beaten. After her release she
went into exile in Germany for five years. On her
return she qualified as a doctor while continuing to
build the socialist party.

Michelle Bachelet was appointed health minister in
2000 and within three months had cut waiting queues at
public hospitals by 80%. She was later appointed
defence minister in a move which caused disquiet among
the praetorian armed forces.

In her victory speech she said: "My presence here is a
symbol of a more open and tolerant Chile ... I was a
victim of hate and I have spent my life trying to turn
that hatred around." She also promised to crack down
on the erosion of the rights of the workers while
basic services have been privatized.

However economic change will not be easy. Chile has
the highest economic growth rate in south america and
is firmly embedded in inside the global capitalist
empire, having signed a free trade agreement with the
us.

Michelle Bachelet has promised that half of her
cabinet posts will be filled by women and to shrink
the gap between rich and poor. In Chile one in two
women suffer domestic violence and earn only
two-thirds the wages a man earns for the same work.
Michelle Bachelet claims she is 'continuity and
change'.

15. AMNESTY REPORT ON GUANTANAMO BAY

AMNESTY International, in a new report issued on
February 6 on the impact of Guantanamo Bay on the
detainees and their families, calls for the closure of
the centre in Cuba where they say thousands of people
around the world are condemned to a life of suffering
and stigmatisation.

The report also states that dozens of the 500
detainees are still on hunger strike - despite being
forcibly fed through nasal tubes. They also claim that
suicide attempts are numerous. The secretary general
of Amnesty's Irish section, Colm Ó Cuanacháin, said
the hunger strikers are asking for no more than their
rights under international law as they have not been
charged, tried or convicted.

The report quotes from a statement to his lawyer by
hunger striker Shaker Aamer: 'I am dying here every
day, mentally and physically. This is happening to all
of us here. We have been ignored, locked up in the
middle of the ocean for four years. Rather than
humiliate myself.... I would just like to die quietly
by myself."

Nine of those detained are no longer considered 'enemy
combatants'.

Some families have received no communication from
Guantanamo and do not know where their imprisoned
relatives are or even if they are alive. Even after
they are released some of them face harassment and are
stigmatized as terrorists - even though they had never
been charged with 'terrorists offences'. Fatima
Tekeava, mother of Russian detainee Rasul Kudayev,
said her son returned from Guantanamo with his health
ruined and that he is still being watched.

An analysis by the Washington based National Journal
of legal documents concerning 132 detainees found that
more than half are not accused of taking part in
hostilities against the US or its allies and most were
not picked up in Afghanistan but in Pakistan.
Shortly before Christmas Congress passed a measure
eliminating habeas corpus rights for all Guantanamo
detainees.

Amnesty has called on the US to publish a list of all
detainees in Guantanamo and elsewhere; to try or
release Guantanamo detainees; to close it; to open all
US detention facilities to independent scrutiny and to
investigate all allegations of torture and
ill-treatment of detainees.

ENDS

IRISH REPUBLICAN INFORMATION SERVICE (no. 52)

2006-01-31T02:29:00.000-06:00

IRISH REPUBLICAN INFORMATION SERVICE (no. 52)
Teach Dáithí Ó Conaill, 223 Parnell Street, Dublin 1,
Ireland
Phone: +353-1-872 9747; FAX: +353-1-872 9757; e-mail:
saoirse@iol.ie
Date: 30 Eanáir / January 2006

Internet resources maintained by SAOIRSE-Irish Freedom

http://saoirse.rr.nu

Irish Republican Information Service
THE body styling itself 'Limerick Republican
Information Service' is not connected with the Irish
Republican Information Service (IRIS), 223 Parnell
Street, Dublin 1, email saoirse@iol.ie and has not
been authorised either by IRIS or by the body that
sponsors IRIS, Republican Sinn Féin. Therefore it is
totally unauthorised and should be regarded as such.

In this issue:
1. Wreaths at Edentubber Memorial vandalised
2. Commemoration of Bloody Sunday perpetrators
'incomprehensible'
3. Dungannon website back
4. British Army has 'veto' on house plans
5. Inquiry call after O'Loan hears of bar blast
cover-up
6. RUC 'is outside killings probe'
7. Cover-up at 'cabinet level'
8. British police open fire in Co Tyrone
9. Selective policy of the Catholic Church 1. WREATHS AT EDENTUBBER MEMORIAL VANDALISED

THE PRO of the Joe Conway/ Willie Stewart Cumann,
Republican Sinn Féin, Newry/Dundalk, said in a
statement on January 30 that it had come to their
attention that wreaths laid by the Republican Movement
at the Edentubber Commemoration had their memory cards
removed and were thrown behind nearby hedges by
vandals.

"On inspection it was clear that wreaths laid by the
Provisionals remained untouched Cumainn from all over
Ireland laid wreaths in honour of the brave martyrs
who died at that spot in a premature explosion on
November 11, 1957. Any interference was only an
insult to the memory of those men.

"This is not the first time Republican Sinn Féin have
encountered such a problem, every Easter similar
vandalism occurs all over the country. Has it now
become a Provo policy to attempt to destroy any
evidence of the existence of a true Republican
Movement, even if it requires desecrating the graves
of Republican patriots?

"Republican Sinn Féin will not be deterred or
silenced; neither will we lower ourselves to
desecrating sacred Republican ground with petty acts
of vandalism. We are the true inheritors of Tone,
Pearse and indeed the Edentubber Martyrs who fought to
rid Ireland of British Interference once and for all."

2. COMMEMORATION OF BLOODY SUNDAY PERPETRATORS
'INCOMPREHENSIBLE'

IN A statement on January 30, Richard Walsh, Derry,
Assistant PRO, Republican Sinn Féin, said that
thirty-four years ago fourteen men were brutally shot
down by the British Forces of Occupation on what
became known as Bloody Sunday.

He went on: "It is strange that a commemoration for
these men would conclude with a call for candles to be
lit in memory of all those who lost their lives over
the past thirty years of conflict - including those
who perpetrated some of the most heinous crimes
against the Irish people.
"Let those who sent the forces of the British Crown
out to wage war against the Irish people commemorate
those who fought and died to maintain England's
military occupation. To expect the relatives of their
victims to honour those responsible for the
mass-murder of Irish citizens in Derry in January,
1972 is surely beyond comprehension."

3. DUNGANNON WEBSITE BACK

THE McKearney McCaughey Cumann Republican Sinn Féin
website www.rsfdungannon.com which was a great source
of information regarding Republican Sinn Féin in
Tyrone was taken off the Internet under mysterious
circumstances in the past week.

The PRO of the Cumann said that the web provider told
them that their site's name had not been renewed but
the name had paid for the name until 2007.
"Unfortunately we could not redeem the
www.rsfdungannon.com site and have had to start from
scratch. We believe sinister forces were behind this
attack on our right to free speech and we call on
every one to view our site and pass a link to every
one in their address book together we can overcome
censorship and let the truth prevail.

"The name www.freewebs.com/rsfeasttyrone is a
temporary name we hope to have a shorter version when
the site is complete. The McKearney McCaughey Cumann
can also be contacted by phoning or sending a text to:
07706497123."

4. BRITISH ARMY HAS 'VETO' ON HOUSE PLANS

A HOMEOWNER in Co Armagh has complained after the
British army confirmed it had an input into planning
applications in the area.

The British army's involvement in the planning process
came to light at the end of January when south Armagh
man Martin Clarke revealed that the British Ministry
of Defence had held up an application by Northern
Ireland (Sic) Electricity to connect his new home in
Dromintee to the electricity grid.

NIE requires planning permission to erect five
electricity poles that will carry power to Martin
Clarke's new home. After a delay of several months,
the angry Armagh man was told that planners had
finally received approval from the British army for
the poles.
"This caused me a major inconvenience. NIE did a
survey and got permission from the landowners and it
was referred to the planners.

"I was told that they then referred the matter to the
Ministry of Defence in London, where it was probably
left in a corner somewhere. This job should have been
done in September but I'm still waiting to get into my
new home. I was very surprised to learn that the
hold-up was caused by the British army," he said.

5. INQUIRY CALL AFTER O'LOAN HEARS OF BAR BLAST
COVER-UP

RELATIVES of 15 people killed in a bomb attack on a
Belfast bar have demanded a full public disclosure
about events surrounding the attack after a
groundbreaking meeting with the British Police
Ombudsman.

Nuala O'Loan was told at the gathering of relatives of
those killed in the 1971 attack on McGurk's Bar that
the British Crown forces in collusion with loyalist
paramilitaries, had intended to bomb an Official IRA
bar close to McGurk's to create a rift between
Republican factions in 1971.

However, the bomb gang targeted McGurk's Bar after the
killers failed to get near their target at the Gem Bar
on North Queen Street.

Nuala O'Loan met with relatives of those killed during
the last week in January.
The meeting was described as "very positive" by the
families and is the latest development as part of an
ongoing investigation by officials from the British
Police Ombudsman's office into the conduct of the RUC
in the aftermath of the bomb.

Pat Irvine, whose mother Kathleen (53) was murdered in
McGurk's, said relatives' demanded "transparency and
full and public accountability into the investigation
at the time".

"We believe no proper investigation was carried out
after the bombing. When the Ombudsman's investigation
is completed we want the truth to be made public and
that's what Nuala O'Loan promised us at the meeting,"
she said.

"We also want a full retraction of the statements of
misinformation that were fed to the media in 1971 and
in subsequent years after."

Pat Irvine said the relatives were finally confident
that the official branding of their loved ones at the
time that they were culpable in the bombing after
officials said it went off inside the premises, would
be dismissed outright in the Ombudsman's high-level
probe.

It has also emerged that a Scottish MP - whose
73-year-old relative Philip Garry was killed in the
explosion - has also taken up the case of McGurk's and
has directly quizzed the British Six County Secretary
in the British House of Commons about the names of the
accomplices in the bombing.

Michael Connarty MP said he would be writing to Peter
Hain and passing on to him all the evidence in his
possession gathered and passed onto him by the
families.
"My grandmother's brother, who we knew as uncle
Philly, was a merchant seaman and was always visiting
us in Scotland. I was about 14 at the time he was
killed and I know from my grandmother that they [the
British Crown forces] tried to say the bomb was inside
the bar when it went off. It was always said in the
family folklore that it was a cover-up by the security
forces," he said.
.
"The issues raised were noted and will be considered
as part of the Police Ombudsman's investigation into
this case," she added.

6. RUC 'IS OUTSIDE KILLINGS PROBE'

THE BRITISH Six-County Office was urged to release
millions of pounds in funding to allow the Six-County
Policing Ombudsman to investigate 48 killings carried
out by members of the RUC.

Human Rights Group, the Pat Finucane Centre (PFC) led
calls on January 23 for the British government to pour
resources into British Ombudsman Nuala O'Loan's office
so that an investigating team can begin probing RUC
killings before 1998.

It has emerged that cases involving the RUC will not
be investigated in the Historical Enquiries Team
(HET), which began examining 100 unsolved killings on
January 23.
The HET plans to revisit the case files of 3,000
unsolved murders from 1969 until the signing of the
Stormont Agreement in 1998.

It is feared that some relatives of people killed by
the RUC may wrongly assume that their cases will be
probed by the HET.

The investigation team was set up at a cost of £24.3
million ( €35.29 million). A further £7.3 million
(€10.6 million) has been earmarked for forensic
investigations into so-called "cold cases".

The probing of killings carried out by the RUC falls
under the remit of the Policing Ombudsman's Office,
which at present does not have the financial resources
to examine the cases.

A spokesman for the Ombudsman said: "It is anticipated
that we will require additional resources and there is
ongoing discussions on that."

PFC spokesman Paul O'Connor accused the British
Six-County Office of blocking progress towards
reopening the cases.

"Our worry is that there are people out there who may
be thinking that the Historical Enquiries Team is
going to examine cases.

"Our view is that it is totally unjust that a relative
of someone killed by police in 1969 will not be
investigated while the case of someone killed by an
unknown gunman will. That situation is untenable and
totally unacceptable. This is about families being
left out."

7. COVER-UP AT 'CABINET LEVEL'

26-COUNTY cabinet ministers may have known of a Garda
plot to cover up the murder of a Co Louth man by
loyalists 30 years ago, his nephew said on January 24.

Michael Donegan was speaking after appearing before a
Leinster House subcommittee sitting to consider the
Barron report on the murder of Séamus Ludlow.

A British-backed Loyalist death squad Red Hand
Commando gang, including at least one member of the
British army's Ulster Defence Regiment (UDR), murdered
the 47-year-old on May 2, 1976.

The Garda immediately blamed the murder on the IRA
despite suspecting it to be the work of loyalists. In
1979, the RUC told gardaí that loyalists were
responsible, giving them the names of the four men
involved in the killing. However, this information was
not pursued at the time and withheld from the Ludlow
family until the mid-1990s.

When the Ludlows learned of the true nature of their
relative's death they pressurised the 26-County
government into commissioning Judge Henry Barron's
report into the murder.
Published in November it was highly critical of the
Garda investigation, but stopped short of recommending
a full public inquiry.

Appearing before the Leinster House subcommitte,
Michael Donegan repeated his calls for an inquiry into
the murder. He also accused senior officials in the
Garda and the 26-County government of covering up
details of the murder.

He said: "The cover up certainly extended to the top
levels of the Garda and Department of Justice, and
maybe even the Dublin cabinet.

"The only way to get to the truth is through a public
inquiry. The Oireachtas subcommittee doesn't have the
power to call witnesses or demand documents. Because
of this, it is flawed."

Michael Donegan said at this stage his family are not
"particularly interested" in tracking down the
loyalist gang who murdered his uncle.

"We are more interested in finding out why the state
let us down, why they let our uncle Séamus down," he
added.

Earlier, family solicitor James McGuill said: "This
has been an appalling three decades of experience of
how an ordinary law-abiding family found themselves in
a set of completely life-changing circumstances which
was compounded by the state authorities they had to
deal with."

The Leinster House subcommittee will deliver its
findings on the Barron report on March 31.

8. British police open fire in Co Tyrone

THE British colonial police opened fire on a car whose
occupants allegedly tried to knock down a police
officer at a checkpoint in Co Tyrone on January 26.

The RUC/PSNI said members began chasing the car when
it drove through the checkpoint on the Dooish Road in
Dromore.

They alleged the driver twice rammed the patrol car
that was following him and the shot was fired when he
tried to knock down one of their members at St
Dympna's Road.

The car, which was carrying two occupants, sped away
from the scene and was found abandoned a short time
later.

The Police Ombudsman, Nuala O'Loan, who investigates
all shots fired by the police in the North, was
informed of the incident.

Claim: Altnaveigh member 'assaulted by FAIR rep'

THE RUC/PSNI are investigating a claim that a member
of the Six-County Department of Social Development was
assaulted by a representative of Willie Frazer's FAIR
group. The same group, which is planning to hold a
provocative Loyalist, march in Dublin in February.

The incident is alleged to have occurred on January 25
during a meeting arranged by the Six County Department
of Social Development at Altnaveigh House's Newry HQ.

It was attended by British Minister of State David
Hanson and a number of Protestant victims' groups.

According to a source, a member of Altnaveigh House
who was showing a disabled person the way to the
bathroom was grabbed by the throat by Kilkeel man
Maynard Hanna.

A spokeswoman for Altnaveigh House said she would not
be making a statement on the situation at this stage,
while a representative of the Six County DSD said that
it would be 'inappropriate' for the British Government
body to comment.

A RUC/PSNI spokesman confirmed that police are aware
of an alleged incident in Altnaveigh House and are
dealing with it according to the wishes of the person
who made the complaint. It is thought unlikely that
there will be a prosecution.

Maynard Hanna was the secretary of the Kilkeel branch
of the Ulster Unionist Party until it was dissolved in
January 2004. At the time, he was quoted as saying
that members were disillusioned with the then party
leader David Trimble and his policies.

9. SELECTIVE POLICY OF THE CATHOLIC CHURCH

IN A statement on January 28 the Joe Conway/Willie
Stewart Cumann, Republican Sinn Féin, Newry/Dundalk,
hit out at the selective policy of the Catholic Church
in relation to the draping of the Irish Tricolour on
the coffins of Irishmen and Irishwomen.

The statement went on: "It is apparently the policy of
the Catholic Church to allow individual priests to
decide whether or not it is appropriate to allow a
funeral mass to be celebrated while the Tricolour
remains on the coffin and there have been instances
where families were forced to choose, on behalf of
their deceased relatives, between a Catholic funeral
mass and a celebration of their Nationality. This is
extremely difficult for families who have lost a loved
one, particularly if in life that person felt equal
faith in their national identity and their religious
beliefs.

"We believe that this is a blatant attempt to allow
individual priests to enforce their political views
upon the people of this country. This policy has been
enforced with terrible hypocrisy and individual
priests have decided, based on their own political
sympathies and often on anti-Republican tendencies,
that those not associated with the 26-County State
cannot celebrate their nationality in death. We see
no reason why ANY Irish citizen should be denied the
right to a last expression of their nationhood,
regardless of creed or class."

ENDS

January 30th, 1972 - Bloody Sunday

2006-01-30T02:59:00.000-06:00

Remembering Bloody Sunday

By Matt Morrison, Eyewitness

There are many persons in my hometown of Derry, I am sure, who have more-detailed memories of Bloody Sunday than I have. I must admit to feeling that I was more an observer of the event than a participant in it. I suspect, twenty-five years along, that I am still grappling with the enormity of that day....

It was on a beautiful, sunny, winter afternoon that I, my father Paddy, Liam, a cousin, and I set out on foot from Shantallow for the staging area of the march, up in the Creggan. We were all able walkers and were moving at a good clip up the fairly steep incline that is Rosemount Hill.

As we were striding by the park, we met a British-army foot patrol. The sergeant, waving his rifle as a teacher would a pointer, indicated that he wanted us to stop and stand at a particular spot. We knew the drill. We were spread-eagled against the cold iron perimeter railings of the park. The cold metal reminded me that there was no heat in the low-lying winter sun. We were warm because of the fast pace that we had been maintaining in order to reach the assembly point at the common ground known as the Bishop's Field.

I can still recall the strong smell of waterproofing on the Brit's uniform as he gave me a "rubdown" that was anything but perfunctory. I can still see my father raise his eyebrow in a quizzical manner as this same soldier warned us to be very careful today.

We were now late. When we arrived at the Bishop's Field, the main body of civil-rights marchers had already departed en route for Free Derry corner. We were part of a tardy rear-guard of stragglers who decided to take a shortcut through the city cemetery so that we could more quickly catch up with the rest of our friends and neighbors.

Already, at sixteen years of age, I was a "veteran" of numerous civil-rights marches and numerous active protests, including a stint at the barricades during the Battle of the Bogside in August 1969. Rather ironically, however, Bloody Sunday was the first time that I had actually accompanied my father with his permission. The normal drill was that my father would leave the house for a march. I would give him a few minutes to be on his way, and then I, too, would leave for the same march, being careful of course, not to let him see his first-born at any stage in the proceedings.

ROOFTOP SNIPER

As we walked down William Street, I noticed a Brit sniper walk up towards the apex of the roof of Stevenson's bakery. I commented to Paddy and Liam that even if the Brits wanted to shoot us all today, they wouldn't have enough ammunition, because there was such a large crowd of us.

The first person shot on Bloody Sunday was actually shot by that sniper. John Johnston died about a year later of his wounds.

That said, we were all in good spirits as we moved towards Rossville Street and our final destination of Free Derry Corner. The marchers were bantering in what I regard as a typically Derry way. Everyone knew almost everyone else there-by sight, as they say, if not by name. There was almost a carnival atmosphere, reflective in many ways of the hope, the optimism, the joy inherent in even painful struggle.

Somehow or other, I became separated from my father and cousin. I couldn't see them in the vicinity of the Free Derry Corner, where a truck bed was being used as a platform from which various speakers were addressing the rapidly assembling crowd, so I decided to backtrack to the corner of William Street and Rossville Street to search for them.

A small group of teenage stone throwers and a much larger group of spectators were there. We were a tightly packed crowd, especially in the narrow alley where I was. A British-army water cannon showered us with purple dye. Then, when they shot tear gas, I could not manage to get my hand up to my eyes, such was the crush. I decided it was time to move on.

I was about one-third of the way up Rossville Street when I heard the distinctive sound of rifle fire. Looking back over my shoulder, I could see British paras crossing some open ground. They were running forward, some pausing to shoot, and were sweeping the crowd before them. I crouched over low and started to run. I knew that if I fell, I would be trampled in the forward surge of the crowd.

In a brief, surreal moment, I saw an old man sitting on a low, brick garden wall in Glenfada Park. He was laughing maniacally. Even in the midst of a moment of panic, this scene struck me as particularly and memorably bizarre.

HELPING HAND

I was running for the shelter of a barricade at Free Derry Corner. I had the silly notion that once over the barricade, I would be safe. An Olympic hurdler could not have hopped over that barricade as quickly as I did. No sooner had I reached "safety" than I heard a very plaintive voice, "Oh, son, could you help me? I think my foot is stuck."

Cursing like a trooper to myself, and damning this woman, her seed, breed and generation for being so inconsiderate as to get her foot stuck at such an inopportune moment, I reluctantly remounted the barricade. "Give me your hand, missus!" I yelled as I grabbed her outstretched hand and tugged her free. She was coming with me even if I amputated her foot. I was most certainly not one of those brave souls who risked their lives for others in the middle of the para killing zone. Several civilians were shot for their courageous acts, but thankfully, I was not one of those who lost a family member in the slaughter. I was a scared sixteen-year-old who did everything that he could to stay alive in a situation of utter confusion and carnage.

Suffice it to say that I saw several persons shot that day. I realized instantly that I had witnessed an event that would feature large in Irish history. I knew at a visceral level that I was done begging for my rights. I would rather be scared and armed than scared and empty-handed.

Bloody Sunday was a personal watershed for me, even though I could not realize then how it would unalterably change my life and impact the lives of my future wife and children.

As I recall that event of January 30th twenty-five years later, I know that my current deportation battle is a replay in some ways of that event. Both events are born of the same struggle to live our lives in safety, in justice, and free of British interference. INS wields paper in the same way the Brits wield their guns and clubs. Either way, they both show the same callous disregard for the lives of the deportees and their wives and children. They demean and devalue our right to raise our families in peace.

Don't merely remember Bloody Sunday! Learn from it!

Murdered:

Jack Duddy, 17

Paddy Doherty, 31

Gerard Donaghy, 17

Hugh Gilmore, 17

John Johnston, 59

Michael Kelly, 17

Michael McDaid, 20

Kevin McElhinney, 17

Bernard McGuigan, 41

Gerard McKinney, 35

William McKinney, 26

William Nash, 19

Jim Wray, 22

John Young, 17

Injured:
Michael Bradley (22)

Michael Bridge (25)

Alana Burke (18)

Patrick Campbell (53)

Margaret 'Peggy' Deery (37)

Damien Donaghy (15)

Joe Friel (20)

Daniel Gillespie (31)

Joseph Mahon (16)

Patrick McDaid (24)

Daniel McGowan (37)

Alex Nash (52)

Paddy O'Donnell (41)

Michael Quinn (17)

Click here to watch a short video of Bloody Sunday footage.

IRISH REPUBLICAN INFORMATION SERVICE (no. 51)

2006-01-26T22:51:00.000-06:00

IRISH REPUBLICAN INFORMATION SERVICE (no. 51)
Teach Dáithí Ó Conaill, 223 Parnell Street, Dublin 1, Ireland
Phone: +353-1-872 9747; FAX: +353-1-872 9757; e-mail: saoirse@iol.ie
Date: 25 Eanáir / January 2006

Internet resources maintained by SAOIRSE-Irish Freedom

http://saoirse.rr.nu

Irish Republican Information Service
THE body styling itself 'Limerick Republican Information Service' is not connected with the Irish Republican Information Service (IRIS), 223 Parnell Street, Dublin 1, email saoirse@iol.ie and has not been authorised either by IRIS or by the body that sponsors IRIS, Republican Sinn Féin. Therefore it is totally unauthorised and should be regarded as such.

In this issue:
1. RSF Vice President takes on McDowell in debate
2. RSF member targeted again by Brits
3. Finucane family rethink Hain talks
4. Racists target protest march
5. Sam Maguire 'not welcome'
6. Retired police 'escape probes'
7. 26-County State breaking international law, says Chomsky

1. RSF VICE PRESIDENT TAKES ON MCDOWELL IN DEBATE

REPUBLICAN SINN FÉIN Vice President Des Dalton clashed with 26-County Justice Minister in a debate in NUI Galway on January 19. The debate was organised by the college's Literary and Debating Society on the theme "That this house would reclaim the tricolour from the Republican Movement".

During the debate Des Dalton said that attempts were being made to hijack Irish history to further a political agenda, which does not even accept the existence of the historic Irish nation. He said: "This attempt to normalise British rule in Ireland has been coupled with the hijacking and rewriting of Irish history, tailoring it to suit the political agenda of the Stormont Agreement and its supporters. We make no apologies to anyone in clearly stating that for Irish Republicans 1916 is unfinished business.

"The reality is that the underlying cause of conflict in Ireland in 1916, 1981 and in 2006 was and is British occupation and rule in Ireland. Rigorous efforts have been made by the British and 26-County States as well as the various constitutional parties to draw a line under Irish history by pretending that the national question has been resolved."

Referring to Republican Sinn Féin's intention to mark the 90th anniversary of 1916 as well as the 25th anniversary of the 1981 hunger strikes he said:

"This year moves are already afoot to hijack the anniversaries of 1916 and the hunger strikes. Bertie Ahern has made his intentions clear using the Fianna Fail Ard Fheis in October as a platform to announce that the 26-County army would be staging a parade in O'Connell Street on Easter Sunday.

"Those who seek to hijack the anniversaries also seek to misrepresent the objectives of the men and women of 1916 and the hunger strikers. In both cases however clear statements of their aims and objectives have been left behind in writings and documents, be it the 1916 Proclamation or the prison diary of Bobby Sands. These historic writings and documents give the lie to those who would attempt to distort or rewrite history. and leave the reader in no doubt that what drove these people was an unshakeable belief in Irish freedom and opposition to British Imperialism."

He challenged Michael McDowell as to the whereabouts of files relating to the Dublin and Monaghan bombings of 1974, which have gone missing from the 26-County Department of Justice.

"Michael McDowell accuses Republicans of being sectarian, but ignores the reality that for over thirty years British-backed loyalist death squads murdered innocent uninvolved nationalists in most cases because of their religion, as a matter of policy. The 26-County State has many serious questions to answer over its failure to deal with British backed Loyalist bombing and shootings carried out in the 26-Counties. Michael McDowell should account for what has become of the files relating to the Dublin and Monaghan bombings, the single biggest loss of life in the current conflict, which have gone missing from the 26 County Department of Justice."

He also used the debate to draw attention to Republican Sinn Féin's alternative to the failed and sectarian Stormont Agreement, ÉIRE NUA:

"We are convinced that ÉIRE NUA presents a realistic and workable alternative to what is a clearly failed process. In tandem with our social and economic programme SAOL NUA, our vision is of an Ireland based on Republican, Socialist, Self - reliance and Ecological principles. ÉIRE NUA provides a tangible mechanism by which Theobald Wolfe Tone's dream of substituting the common name of Irish man or woman for Protestant, Catholic or Dissenter, can finally be realised.

"The national flag, like all of the other symbols of our nation, as well as our history, belong to all of the Irish people and are not there to be 'reclaimed' by any one group or sectional interest."

2. RSF MEMBER TARGETED AGAIN BY BRITS

A MEMBER of Republican Sinn Féin in Derry who had previously been threatened by self-confessed members of the British intelligence services last year was again approached by the same two men at around 7pm on January 23rd.

The British Crown agents had previously said that they would speak to him again "at a time and a place of our choosing". In this latest incident the men - this time in plainclothes - approached him as he came out of a shop and told him that they wanted half an hour of his time, adding that they had stated previously that they would keep an eye on him. As he jumped into his car and drove off, they warned that he would only be making more trouble for himself.

This recent incident again demonstrates the sinister nature of this death-dealing organisation in its efforts to destroy Republican opposition to the British occupation of our country.

In a statement Republican Sinn Féin in Derry called on anyone who may have been approached in a similar manner by British or Free State agents, or who may have been compromised, to come forward and approach any member of Republican Sinn Féin or either of our offices at 229, Falls Road, Belfast or 223, Parnell Street, Dublin 1.

3. FINUCANE FAMILY RETHINK HAIN TALKS

THE FAMILY of Pat Finucane are having second thoughts about meeting British Six-County Secretary Peter Hain after he told them to forget about an inquiry into the solicitor's murder if they won't accept the one proposed by the British Government.
Pat Finucane's widow, Geraldine, and other relatives had asked before Christmas to see Peter Hain about the long running dispute over the terms of the inquiry into collusion between British Crown forces and Pat Finucane's UDA killers.

Peter Hain told The Universe, a Catholic newspaper, that the inquiry will be held under the controversial Inquiries Act or there will be "none at all" in the second week in January.0

The family have campaigned for almost 17 years for an inquiry into the murder, but say they "cannot not take part in any Inquiry set up under the Inquiries Act", arguing that it destroys the independence of the tribunal investigating the case.

The British Government rushed the Act through the British Parliament last year in order to hold the Finucane inquiry. It gives British Ministers, rather than chairmen of an inquiry, the power to keep information secret.

"The truth of what happened and why is located in the secret corridors of Whitehall," the Finucanes said in a statement. "The family cannot get involved in any inquiry in which the ministers in charge of those very same corridors will be in charge of Pat's inquiry.

"The family have received widespread international support for their current stance. They will continue and step up their campaign for an independent public judicial inquiry. In view of what Peter Hain has said, the family are now considering whether it is worthwhile meeting him."

The judges in charge of the Bloody Sunday Tribunal and retired Canadian Supreme Court Justice Peter Cory, who recommended the inquiry into the 1989 Finucane murder, have indicated that the conditions imposed by the Act are unacceptable. More than eight months after passing the Act, the British Government has been unable to find a judge who will agree to chair the Finucane inquiry.

4. RACISTS TARGET PROTEST MARCH

A MAN whose brother was killed on Bloody Sunday said a commemoration parade in Scotland had narrowly avoided erupting into serious violence.

A police chief also said he had feared the consequences if a large group of loyalists had managed to attack the parade in Glasgow.

Eleven people were arrested on Saturday, January 21 after loyalist protesters tried to disrupt the Bloody Sunday commemoration. Up to 400 loyalists turned out to oppose a parade to mark the 34th anniversary of Bloody Sunday.

Members of the British army's Parachute Regiment gunned down 13 nationalists during a civil rights demonstration on January 30, 1972, with a 14th victim dying of his wounds in June that year.

On January 21 hundreds of police were mobilised after Scottish loyalists, some waving Union flags and giving Nazi salutes, lined the parade route through Glasgow city centre.
The parade was held up for 30 minutes after police expressed concern about the clothing worn by some of the loyalists.

After the march began, participants were subjected to a volley of racist and sectarian chants from loyalist demonstrators, while several bottles were thrown.

Gerry Duddy, whose brother Jackie was among those killed on Bloody Sunday, spoke at the weekend commemoration Gerry Duddy said it had been a frightening experience for those who took part, but praised the restraint of the marchers.

"At one point, there were bottles, glasses and various other things being thrown
at the marchers," he said. "However, despite the provocation, there was little reaction from the marchers and this ensured that things stayed relatively peaceful. The organisers also deserve praise for how well the parade was marshalled."

Strathclyde police confirmed that 11 people had been arrested for offences including breach of the peace, assault, and possession of a knife.

5. SAM MAGUIRE 'NOT WELCOME'

A SCOTTISH politician has called for the Sam Maguire Cup to be banned from Glasgow Celtic's Parkhead stadium.

A member of the Scottish parliament told Tyrone's all-Ireland winners to leave the Sam Maguire Cup in Ireland when the Gaelic footballers visit the Glasgow stadium at the end of January. He said there was no place for the cup in Scotland.

An angry Tyrone GAA county chairman Pat Darcy, speaking on January 18 told Glasgow-based Conservative MSP Bill Aitken to "read up" on his history.

Sam Maguire, a Protestant, was born in Co Cork in 1879. He became a leading member of the Irish Republican Brotherhood. He died in 1927.

Members of the Tyrone squad are expected to parade the Sam Maguire Cup at Parkhead before Celtic's Scottish Premier League showdown with Dundee United on January 28.
The Red Hand men won the cup last September when they beat Kerry in the all-Ireland final. It has become a tradition in recent years for the all-Ireland winners to take the Sam Maguire Cup to Parkhead. Bill Aitken branded Sam Maguire a "terrorist". "

Aitken has a Partick Thistle season ticket. He claimed to have researched the life of Sam Maguire.

Pat Darcy said: "This is a sporting occasion. It's not sectarian or political. I think this man would need to go and read his history. If he did, he would understand that this is a sporting thing and he wouldn't come out with this nonsense. I think he's trying to get something started here."

6. RETIRED POLICE 'ESCAPE PROBES'

FORMER members of the RUC are escaping investigation by the British Police Ombudsman's office because they have retired, human rights lobbyists claimed on January 20.

The legal loophole allows retired RUC members to refuse co-operation with Nuala O'Loan's office and has been highlighted as the stream of complaints about Troubles incidents continues.

Jane Winter from the British/Irish Rights Watch pressure group said the matter needed to be pursued.

"Many of the incidents which the Ombudsman investigated are looking at cases which are very old and involve retired officers," she said. "At the minute these officers are retired and are beyond the reach of the Ombudsman's office."

7. 26-COUNTY STATE BREAKING INTERNATIONAL LAW, SAYS CHOMSKY

PHILOSOPHER Noam Chomsky speaking on January 18 claimed that if the 26-County State is allowing so-called rendition - the transportation of political prisoners for interrogation in other states - by the US, then the 26-County state is committing international crime.

Speaking at an Amnesty International lecture in Dublin, he told the audience that the US and Britain are leading terrorist states according to their own definition of terrorism.

The so-called War on Terror could successfully be waged via constructive attempts to stop acting in ways, which enhance the threat of violence, the Massachusetts Institute of Technology professor said.

But invading Iraq was not only an act of international terrorism, it increased the risk of terror and nuclear proliferation, he said.

Professor Chomsky, a long-standing critic of American foreign policy, was addressing the audience on the subject of the War on Terror.

He said the common definition of terror - the use or threat of violence to attain goals, which are political, ideological or religious in nature - classified the US as a terrorist given its intervention in Iraq, Cuba, Nicaragua and a number of other countries.

He acknowledged terrorism was a major problem in the world, but said that if the priority of the US and Britain was really to tackle that threat they would not have invaded Iraq.

"We find, very easily, a way to reduce the threat of terror - stop acting in ways that, predictably, enhance the threat," he said.

"There is extensive supporting evidence to show that - as anticipated - the invasion increased the risk of terror and nuclear proliferation."

After the invasion, known weapons of mass destruction sites were left unguarded, he said, allowing the theft of equipment for nuclear, chemical and biological weapons for destinations unknown.

Prof Chomsky also said the invasion had intensified feelings of bitter resentment among Arabs towards the West and the ruling elites in the Middle East.

"None of this shows that planners prefer these consequences, of course," he said.

"Rather they are not of much concern in comparison with much higher priorities that are obscure only to those who would prefer what human rights researchers sometimes call 'intentional ignorance'."

Asked why he thought the US led the invasion into Iraq, he told the audience that anyone who was not "deeply enfeebled" by intentional ignorance knew it was to take over the Middle Eastern country's immense resources and gain control of the world's energy supplies.

"You can't talk about exit strategies until you answer the question of why the US and Britain are determined not to leave," he added.

"There are ways to deal constructively with the threat of terror, though not those preferred by 'bin Laden's indispensable ally' (the US), or those who try to avoid the real world by striking heroic poses about Islamofascism, or who simply claim that no proposals are made when there are quite straightforward proposals they do not like.

"The constructive ways have to begin with an honest look in the mirror, never an easy task, always a necessary one," he said.

After a standing ovation from the audience, Prof Chomsky said he supported the day of action planned for March 18 and 19 by the anti-war movement to protest against war in Iraq.

ENDS

IRISH REPUBLICAN INFORMATION SERVICE (no. 50)

2006-01-19T23:07:00.000-06:00

IRISH REPUBLICAN INFORMATION SERVICE (no. 50)
Teach Dáithí Ó Conaill, 223 Parnell Street, Dublin 1, Ireland
Phone: +353-1-872 9747; FAX: +353-1-872 9757; e-mail: saoirse@iol.ie
Date: 18 Eanáir / January 2006

Internet resources maintained by SAOIRSE-Irish Freedom

http://saoirse.rr.nu

Irish Republican Information Service
THE body styling itself 'Limerick Republican Information Service' is not connected with the Irish Republican Information Service (IRIS), 223 Parnell Street, Dublin 1, email saoirse@iol.ie and has not been authorised either by IRIS or by the body that sponsors IRIS, Republican Sinn Fein. Therefore it is totally unauthorised and should be regarded as such.

In this issue:
1. Provos set to join RUC/PSNI
2. Angry families relieved at scrapping of legislation
3. Spy-post set to go
4. Ex-police officer breaks silence on sectarianism
5. Finucane family in plea over murder inquiry
6. Republican prisoner 'denied' human rights
7. Secret 26-County defence agreements with US
8. Irish Examiner does an Irish Ferries
9. Basque refugee Aitor Elorza found dead at home

1. PROVOS SET TO JOIN RUC/PSNI

IN A statement on January 16 the PRO of Comhairle Uladh, Republican Sinn Féin said:

"After years of British State murder, RUC-backed death squads, collusion, RUC assassinations of Republicans and nationalists and the continuing intimidation, harassment and security war being fought by the British colonial police, the Provos are saying that with a few cosmetic changes they will be ready to support the forces of British occupation.

"Just this week Republicans in Armagh were dragged out of their homes by this force, held and interrogated for days on end. One of the men was held for eight months last year and the trumped-up charges against him later dropped. His car was lifted for forensic examination when he was arrested but when the charges were dropped it was never returned to him.

"His solicitor has tried everything to have it returned but to no avail and after buying another car he was lifted on January 11, his clothes and footwear confiscated and his new car stolen by the RUC, who raided his house wearing balaclavas. They arrested him and locked his wife in the livingroom while they ransacked the house, leaving his eight-year-old son who was in bed with the flu scared out off his wits while the masked PSNI/RUC wrecked the youngster's room.

"How can Gerry Kelly tell people that they should support this alien force? Could Kelly tell these people that with a few changes these criminals would be acceptable? He would be chased from the door .The PSNI is nothing more than the RUC repackaged, and it is as hell-bent as ever on destroying Republicanism and maintaining the British state. This Force will never be acceptable to Irish Republicans and those who do accept it are not Republican but British lapdogs.

My reply to the Provos and their new friends the RUC/PSNI is that while Ireland has sons and daughters there will always be those who will not bend the knee to British Crown Forces, but who will instead take up the Cause of the 32-County Irish Republic and shoulder arms in its defence. It is a shame on the Provos for even thinking off joining the RUC !

On January 12 RSF National Publicity Officer Ruairí Óg Ó Brádaigh said that Republican Sinn Féin condemned the arrests of three Cumann members in the Armagh city area in raids by the RUC/PSNI the previous night as "the latest incidence in the continual harassment of Republicans by British Crown Forces. In previous cases this British State harassment has led to spurious charges against members of the organisation which were later dropped."

2. ANGRY FAMILIES RELIEVED AT SCRAPPING OF LEGISLATION

HUNDREDS of nationalist families across the Six-Counties reacted angrily when the British government revealed its plan to block the future prosecution of British Crown forces involved in the murder of civilians.

Several of those families speaking on January 12 to express their relief at the announcement by British Six-County Secretary Peter Hain in the British House of Commons that the controversial legislation was to be shelved. The Provisionals had initially supported the legislation, only reversing this position following an outcry from the families of victims of British state violence.

John Loughran's uncle, also John, was one of six men gunned down in north Belfast in 1973.

The nephew said: "This was about providing immunity to British state forces. It was a duplicitous move on behalf of the British.

"The British have never acknowledged that they were involved in a dirty war in Ireland. What they need to do as a first step is acknowledge the part they had to play in that. The British government was not a neutral in this but a main protagonist."

Róisín Maguire's father Tommy Ward was gunned down on south Belfast's Ormeau Road. To this day, his family does not know who was responsible.

"I don't know who killed my father and this is what we would like to find out. If there was collusion, we would like the British government to acknowledge that. All we want is the truth.

"After he was killed, we were left with no answers and nobody has ever come to us. There was never any investigation and we have been left on our own for 30 years.
"If this legislation had gone through, we could have given up all hope of ever knowing what happened," said Róisín Maguire.

Belfast man Mark Sykes survived the 1992 Sean Graham bookmaker's massacre despite being shot several times. The Ormeau Road man said the five men killed by the Ulster Freedom Fighters that day deserved justice. Mark Sykes' brother-in-law Peter Magee was killed in the attack.

Referring to the Northern Ireland (Offences) Bill, Mark Sykes said: "This was a move by the British government and the securocrats that would only have benefited them had it gone through. It was a bad piece of legislation. If you read the Cory report in the murder of Pat Finucane, there are paragraphs blacked out that deal with the weapons used in the bookie's murders. The British government know the truth of what happened that day and the rest of us deserve to know."

Anne Kelly's father Bobby Clarke was killed by the UFF in west Belfast in 1973.
"I believe the British government hijacked the legislation to protect British state forces who murdered civilians.

"If this legislation had gone through, then these people would have gotten away with murder. Now at least we still have an opportunity to pursue the truth.
"It's the same for others, the victims of the Dublin and Monaghan bombings.
"They deserve the same opportunity to know the truth. We all deserve to know the truth."

3. SPY-POST SET TO GO

THE watchtower at Woodbourne British army barracks is set to be dismantled. Work to dismantle the spy post is set to begin in the next few weeks and it is expected that the work will be completed by March.

The news follows reports that British army accommodation was removed from the site. Two Portacabins used by the British army as accommodation were removed from the site early in January.

4. EX-POLICE OFFICER BREAKS SILENCE ON SECTARIANISM

A FORMER RUC member who came from the nationalist community has broken his silence on the sectarianism within the force in south Armagh at the height of the Troubles. The man, who does not want to be identified, said he felt compelled to come forward after a murderous 24-hour period three decades ago was highlighted in the media. The ex-RUC man was also based in Co Down in the early seventies - and was one of the few Catholics in the predominantly Protestant RUC.

"The first thing I saw when I got to south Armagh were all the young constables, only 19, 21, 22, 23, with no experience of policing. There were no 'seasoned' police officers, " he said. "I often look back, thinking of the hundreds killed in the explosions and shootings, we were used as cannon fodder."

With the RUC/PSNI under scrutiny over ever-emerging allegations of British Crown force collusion with loyalist death squads - more recently a number of UVF killings - the former RUC man gives a unique insight into his time within the force.

While stationed in south Armagh the man now in his fifties, went out on night operations with someone whom he called the 'mystery man', as he was never told who he was.

"I am convinced he was not military but an MI5 agent. He had a plummy English accent. I realised they were trying to gather information on people," he said.

"The houses he went to, they were all homes of Protestants. I noticed pictures, platoons of [the disbanded] B Specials." On January 6 1976, the UVF murdered two brothers and fatally wounded another at their south Armagh home. Ten minutes later another nationalist home near Gilford was targeted, killing three. Allegations of collusion in both cases are to be probed.

Although these murders - the IRA retaliating just hours later killing 10 Protestants at Kingsmill - occurred just as he had tendered his resignation, he had already been highly suspicious of the actions of some of his colleagues years earlier.

"I don't think there was any investigation [into these murders]," he said. "Something very, very sinister was taking place because information was being leaked to organisations like the UDA or UVF. We have not even scratched the surface of what was going on. It was so deep and widespread.

"There were a few military regiments present at that time, the Royal Marine Commando and the notorious Parachute Regiment. They were very aggressive to say the least.

"I used to meet a lot of serving UDR soldiers... many were deeply bigoted. Even police constables would make comments. I remember a policewoman saying to me 'this is a Protestant country'.

"When I finished training we were presented with bibles. As I was the only Catholic, I was given a red bible. Several remarked 'I never knew you were a Catholic'. It was if I had two heads."

5. FINUCANE FAMILY IN PLEA OVER MURDER INQUIRY

THE FAMILY of murdered Belfast solicitor Pat Finucane repeated their call for the British government to reveal the full truth about his death on January 11.

Pat Finucane's widow Geraldine and family members were meeting with political party leaders in Dublin in their campaign for an independent statutory inquiry into the 1989 murder.

"We are meeting the party leaders to ask them to persuade the Taoiseach (Sic) [Bertie Ahern] to put pressure on the British government to reveal full details of Pat's murder," Pat Finucane said.

The family also met Green Party leader Trevor Sargent, Fine Gael leader Enda Kenny and Progressive Democrat leader, Mary Harney.

The Finucanes are concerned that any inquiry into Mr Finucane's death under the British Inquiries Act 2005 will gag witnesses and restrict information.

"We don't believe the truth will come out at all with the Inquiries Act," Geraldine Finucane added.

Geraldine Finucane and family members recently met Ulster Unionist Party leader Reg Empey with Church of Ireland Archbishop Robin Eames, as part of a series of meetings across the political divide throughout Ireland.

6. REPUBLICAN PRISONER 'DENIED' HUMAN RIGHTS

A REPUBLICAN prisoner has accused the British government of denying him his human rights.

Tommy Hamill was arrested before Christmas and is being held on weapons charges.
He is being held on remand at Maghaberry prison in Co Antrim.

During the Christmas period, relatives of the Co Tyrone man travelled to the jail to visit him but were turned away after being examined by sniffer dogs.

Tommy Hamill has still not been visited by his family. He denied the charges against him but been refused bail. A spokesman for the Irish Republican Prisoners Action Group accused the British government of denying Tommy Hamill his basic human rights.

"Tommy was refused bail and it is obviously the intention of the Crown to make his remand a long one.

"Some Irish republicans were held on remand for nearly three years before their cases fell apart at trial.

"These tactics are a form of internment. The prisoner is shipped off to Maghaberry prisoner-of-war camp, where conditions are poor.

"There are no education facilities, no freedom of association, and rigourous security measures make life in Maghaberry a miserable one," the spokesperson said.

The charges Tommy Hamill faces are connected to the discovery of a cache of weapons, ammunition and explosives in Dungannon, Co Tyrone, in 2004.

After arresting the accused on December 23 last year, the PSNI claimed that the items had been found on Tommy Hamill's property and with his fingerprints.

In follow-up raids after the arrest, the RUC\PSNI wrecked Tommy Hamill's home. The front and back doors of his house were broken down, stud walls were ripped out, and furniture was broken and overturned.

Another Dungannon Republican has complained of having his home wrecked during RUC/PSNI raids on the same day.

The man, who did wish to be identified, was at work when he received a phone call informing him his house in the Dunavon estate was being searched.

He said that, by the time he returned, the RUCPSNI had seized "anything that was not nailed down", including personal items and Christmas presents.

7. SECRET 26-COUNTY DEFENCE AGREEMENTS WITH US

TWENTY Six-County Foreign Affairs Minister Dermot Ahern admitted in Leinster House on January 12 that two agreements between the 26-County state and the US on Defence matters should have been put before Leinster House. This followed a question put by Michael D Higgins of the 26-County Labour party, which drew attention to the hitherto unpublicised agreements. Dermot Ahern sent copies to Michael D Higgins and other Opposition spokesmen and the media.

Michael D Higgins wrote to 26-County Premier Bertie Ahern asking why these agreements, referred to on the US State Department's website, had neither been laid before Leinster House nor put on the published list of treaties signed by the 26-County administration with other states.

The first agreement details procedures to be adopted to permit the sharing of classified information between the US and EU. This can be used by the 26-County state not to release information relating to its co-operation with the US. The second refers to procedures for logistical support between the 26-County army and the US army.

This latest revelation raises serious concerns particularly when viewed against the backdrop of the ongoing illegal war in Iraq as well as the use of Shannon by US warplanes and reports of the transportation on political prisoners through the airport by the CIA.

8. IRISH EXAMINER DOES AN IRISH FERRIES

THE public were assured during the Irish Ferries saga that it could only happen because it was a maritime industry and land-bound Irish jobs were safe. Many newspapers editorialised against escalation and for reasoned negotiation etc. The Irish Examiner was no different.

But a story absent by and large from the Irish media has been the Examiner Group's move to shed its print workers and replace them with lower paid workers in a 'new company' which will print its various newpapers on contract. Under the new arrangement workers in Ballina and Cork city were invited to agree redundancy, redeployment or a transfer to the 'new firm' - under new conditions of course. Out of a staff of almost 90 only eleven are transferring to the 'new' company.

Many who took redundancy and then applied for work at the new plant discovered that trained printers were unwanted and were given short shrift. Instead the 'new' company, Web Concepts, is looking for print technicians and is proposing to pay them in the region of €19,000 per year, quite a drop from the €40,000 average of the old workforce.

Redeployment of workers is something of a joke as the qualified printers are unlikely to easily adjust to answering phones all day or training as reporters. In fact the Examiner had no intention of doing so and discouraged any such illusions. Relocation to the new company was also discouraged and the few who did will find a very new working regime and conditions.

Redundancy conditions are extremely good with five weeks per year served plus another two from the State. Good jobs with good conditions have again been lost and that the next generation of print workers will have to fight long and hard to get anywhere near this situation again.

The Examiner of course does very well out of this. They get a new printing works with cheaper labour, they have sold their city centre property for millions to developer Owen O'Callaghan and they are rid of a highly unionised and effective group of workers. The future looks bright for Irish Examiner publications as long as you are not a worker.

9. BASQUE REFUGEE AITOR ELORZA FOUND DEAD AT HOME

IT was reported on January that the association working for prisoners' rights Askatasuna (Freedom) had confirmed that the Basque refugee Aitor Elorza had been found dead at home in Baiona (Bayonne). However, the causes of his death was not yet revealed.. His corpse was in the Baiona (Bayonne) morgue and will be cremated within the next few days, as he wished.

Elorza was from the coastal town of Algorta, in the province of Bizkaia, and had been on the run since the 80s, as Askatasuna has affirmed in a statement. Askatasuna extended condolences to the relatives of the refugee. Furthermore, it called for several demonstrations to take place within the next few days.

ENDS

RSF describe Armagh arrests as harassment

2006-01-14T23:28:00.000-06:00

Republican Sinn Féin
Teach  Dáithí  Ó  Conaill,
223 Parnell  Street
Dublin  1,  Ireland

rsf.ie

For release
12 January\Eanair 2006

Harassment Arrests in Armagh -
Three men held in British custody
Statement by RSF Publicity Officer Ruairí Óg Ó Brádaigh

Republican Sinn Féin condemns the arrests of three
cumann members in the Armagh city area in raids by
the RUC/PSNI last night as the latest incidence in the
continual harassment of Republicans by British Crown
Forces.

Masked RUC/PSNI raiders entered the home of one
man as he returned from work last night and refused
to let his children leave the house. He was then arrested
and is still being held with two other men, also members
of Republican Sinn Féin.

In previous cases this British State harassment has led
to spurious charges against members of the organisation
which were later dropped.

Ends.

IRISH REPUBLICAN INFORMATION SERVICE (no. 49)

2006-01-04T14:52:00.000-06:00

IRISH REPUBLICAN INFORMATION SERVICE (no. 49)

Teach Dáithí Ó Conaill, 223 Parnell Street, Dublin 1, Ireland

Phone: +353-1-872 9747; FAX: +353-1-872 9757; e-mail: saoirse@iol.ie

Date: : 4 Eanáir / January 2006

Internet resources maintained by SAOIRSE-Irish Freedom

http://saoirse.rr.nu

Irish Republican Information Service

THE body styling itself 'Limerick Republican Information Service' is

not connected with the Irish Republican Information Service (IRIS), 223

Parnell Street, Dublin 1, email saoirse@iol.ie and has not been

authorised either by IRIS or by the body that sponsors IRIS, Republican

Sinn Fein. Therefore it is totally unauthorised and should be regarded

as such.

In this issue:

1. Dáithí Ó Conaill remembered in Dublin

2. Tyrone man arrested and charged

3. Republican house raided by RUC in Dungannon

4. Visit of British Queen condemned

5. CPT to visit Ireland

6. US reject Kyoto at climatic change summit in Montreal

7. World Trade Organisation (WTO) to eliminate farm export subsidies

8. Denis Donaldson admits to role of British spy

9. New Garda Ombudsman's commission set up

10. US senate face problems over renewal of Patriot Act

11. Huge pay increases for politicians and their cronies as homeless

figures rise

12. Poverty in Ireland

13. Irish prisoners in Britain

14. Call for blanket ban on CIA planes

15. Election turnout down 12%

1. DÁITHÍ Ó CONAILL REMEMBERED IN DUBLIN

A LARGE crowd of Republicans travelled from all over the country on New Years day to Glasnevin Cemetery, Dublin to pay their respects to Dáithí Ó Conaill. Dáithí was vice-President of Republican Sinn Féin when he died suddenly on New Year's Day 1991.

The parade from the gates of the cemetery was led by Peig King, Cumann na mBan carrying the Tricolour and followed by a Republican Sinn Fein colour party. At the graveside the proceedings were chaired by Des Dalton vice-President Sinn Féin Poblachtach.

In his opening remarks Des told the assembled crowd that Dáithí Ó Conaill was an inspiration to all and was a Republican of the calibre of Tone and Emmet. He called on Cathleen Knowles-McGuirk to lay a laurel wreath on behalf of the Republican Sinn Féin and Kitty Hawkins recited a decade of the rosary as Gaeilge. A minutes silence was observed for the dipping of the flags and a lament was played on the feadóg by Séan Ó Sé, Dublin. Des then introduced the main speaker Josephine Hayden, Vice-President, Sinn Féin Poblachtach who gave the oration:

"Fifteen years have passed since we gathered here to bury one of Ireland greatest Republicans, Dáithí Ó Conaill. He was a man of courage, honour and integrity, a great thinker and strategist. He was active in the Republican movement for almost 40 years and during that time he willingly gave of his time, energy and expertise -- both militarily and politically. He worked day and night to bring about a united and just society and his work took him to the four corners of Ireland, to England and to the States. He was but a teenager when he joined the Movement in 1955 in Cork and mixing his political and military beliefs came naturally to him. His background would have imbued in him a Republican outlook. His uncle, Michael O'Sullivan, was a member of the 1st Cork Brigade who was bayoneted to death by the British Crown Forces at Ballylannon, Clogheen in 1921.

"Dáithí volunteered for active service and went to Fermanagh in1956 when the Border Campaign (as it became known) opened. As a 19 year-old he took part in the raid on Brookborough RUC Barracks on New Years Day 1957. Two Volunteers were killed in that attack, Seán Sabhat, Limerick and Fergal Ó h-Anluain, Monaghan, and the OC was injured. Dáithí took command and he and Vincent Conlon led the remainder of the column back across the mountains to Knockatallon. Shortly afterwards Dáithí was arrested and served six months in Mountjoy. On the morning of his release he was arrested at the gate of the jail and interned in the Curragh Concentration Camp, from which he escaped along with Ruairí Ó Brádaigh in September 1958.

"The following year he was wounded while engaging the British forces at Lough Neagh and was arrested by the RUC. He was sentenced to eight years imprisonment and was released in the early 1960s when the IRA temporarily halted their military campaign against the British. During this lull in hostilities he trained as a vocational teacher and was active in social issues and local politics in many areas. His continued involvement in the Republican Movement ensured that when the flame of resistance was once again lit against British occupation in 1969 in the Six Occupied Counties he was in a key position within the Movement to exercise his influence and reorganise the Irish Republican Army.

"When disagreements arose in 69/70 over the future direction of the Republican Movement, Dáithí was one of those who ensured that the Movement took the path of the Fenians and Wolfe Tone. In 1972, during the first truce, he was one of the men who took part in the negotiations with the British in London.

"He was on the run during the 1970s and had many close shaves with the British and Free State forces, not least among them when he spoke at Easter in Milltown Cemetery, Belfast in 1973 and gave the oration at Michael Gaughan's funeral in Ballina in 1974. Also that year, 1974, he was among a Republican delegation, which included Ruairí Ó Brádaigh, JB O'Hagan, Kevin Mallon, Séamus Twomey and Billy McKee, that took part in the Feakle talks with Protestant clergymen in an effort to find a way forward acceptable to all.

"The Republicans were almost arrested in Smith's Hotel in Feakle that day in December when the Special Branch raided the room, but they had gotten word of the raid and had left. (Personal papers of that time belonging to Ruairí Ó Brádaigh have been lodged in UCG.) However Dáithí's luck ran out and he was arrested in Dublin in July 1975. He was sentenced on IRA membership and sent to Portaloise prison where in 1977 he was one of 20 men who took part in a 47-day hunger strike against the dreadful conditions there. As soon as he was released that year he was straight back to his Republican work.

"During the 1980-81 hunger strikes, Daithí, who was Vice-President of Sinn Féin and a member of the National H-Block/Armagh Committee, travelled to and spoke at numerous rallies. He was a wonderful orator and would cut straight to the point. Contrary to recently published material, it was Dáithí who proposed that Bobby Sands be nominated to contest the Westminster election for Fermanagh/South Tyrone in the British General Election in April 1981. As we know Bobby Sands polled over 30,000 votes and his election focused the world on the plight of the hunger strikers and the injustices suffered by the nationalist population in the Six Occupied Counties.

"It also highlighted the slavish mentality of the Free State politicians who refused to stand up and be counted at that vital time in Irish history. Dáithí was also Director of Elections when hunger striker Kieran Doherty and Blanketman Paddy Agnew were elected TDs in Cavan/Monaghan and Louth respectively in the 1981 General Election in the 26 Counties.

"The splitting of the Movement [by illegal means] by Adams, McGuinness, Doherty, McGirl etc in 1986 once again saw Dáithí to the fore in reorganising the Republican Movement. He showed his steel by continuing the struggle with determination, he asked of others only what he was prepared to do himself. He realised very early in his youth the importance of the dual strategy. His thinking and vision was focused on ways in which Ireland could rid itself politically, militarily, culturally, economically and educationally of the British yoke that had strangled the Irish nation for centuries. He was instrumental in drawing up the ÉIRE NUA programme in 1971 and later on in 1990 he wrote the document Towards A Peaceful Ireland. In those documents are contained the three demands for a peaceful and just settlement:

1. A declaration of intent from the British to withdraw from Ireland

2. The right of the Irish people to self-determination.

3. A general amnesty for all POWs.

"Those three demands are as relevant today as they were at the beginning of 1970. They have not been met and until they are, Republicans will continue to fight for them in whatever way they deem fit. This will not include capitulation, surrender or decommissioning - the final acts of betrayal in a long line of betrayals by the Provisionals. Pat Ward, who himself had been on hunger strike in Portlaoise, said in Bodenstown in 1987. 'We uphold the right of all Irish people to use force for the restoration of Irish democracy which was outlawed by a British Act of parliament.'

"Well today we still uphold that right. Republicans have opposed the sell out of the Six Occupied Counties and will continue to do so. Over the years they too were offered 'peace deals' which they could not in all conscience accept, they had 'declared for a Republic and would live under no other law'. Today is no different, we here have also declared for a Republic and will live under no other law. We will follow the footsteps of Dáithí and men and women like him.

"We refuse to recognise the right of former comrades to tell us that we have to live with British rule, that it is part of life now. Well part of life for them is administering British rule and taking the British shilling - over and under the table. In their psyche there seems to be a difference between spying and touting; touts were shot, spies are not. We refuse to recognise those people who used and continue to use the name of Sinn Féin for personal gain and a few seats in Stormont and Leinster House. Sinn Féin was founded 100 years ago to break the connection with England, not to strengthen it.

"And though it is sad that in this centenary year we have not realised Daithí's dream of a united Ireland, we celebrate 100 years of unbroken resistance to British rule, 100 years of unbroken continuity. Republican Sinn Féin is the only political organisation that can claim that continuity. We have never broken the Sinn Féin constitution to copperfasten partition or in any other way, nor we do not recognise Britain's right to rule in Ireland and we never will. From today let us commit ourselves to redoubling our efforts to bring about a united Ireland in our lifetime".

In closing the ceremony Des asked that people redouble their efforts to realise the ideals that inspired patriots such as Dáithí Ó Conaill and that was an Ireland free of British rule. He then called on Séan Ó Sé to play Amhrán na bhFiann.

2. TYRONE MAN ARRESTED AND CHARGED

THE house of Tyrone Republican Tommy Hamill's was wrecked just before Christmas by the British colonial police the RUC/PSNI.

The front and back doors were completely destroyed, stud walls were ripped out and furniture broken and overturned. Tommy was arrested and taken for interrogation to Antrim where he was charged with possession of a number of firearms, ammunition and explosives. These the weapons had been found almost a year ago in a field in Dungannon. The British police claimed the these items were found in Tommy's house and had his fingerprints on it.

Tommy was refused bail and it is obviously the intention of the Crown to make his remand a long one. Some Irish Republicans were held on remand for nearly three years before their cases fell apart at trial.

These tactics are a form of internment. The prisoner is shipped off to Maghaberry POW Camp where conditions are poor. There are no education facilities, no freedom of association and rigorous security measures make life in Maghaberry a miserable one.

Tommy had two sets of visitors over Christmas turned away by the sniffer dog, meaning he spent Christmas without a visit from family or friends.

Tommy Hamill is an Irish Republican. He is now a political prisoner and is denied his basic rights as was Bobby Sands. Support the struggle for our prisoners support Tommy Hamill. End internment by remand, end the political kidnappings and illegal jailing by the British state.

Support the fight for political status for all Irish Republican prisoners.

3. REPUBLICAN HOUSE RAIDED BY RUC IN DUNGANNON

ON December 23 a Republican from Dunavon housing estate in Dungannon was busy at work when he received a phone call from the RUC/PSNI informing him they were in his house and would he like to come home.

He rushed home and found the Cops taking bags of clothes all his CDs and DVDs, letters and paperwork and his computer.

He told the local McKearney/McCaughey Cumann of Republican Sinn Féin: "If it was not nailed down they took it with them". He was given no explanation for the raid and was not arrested. He said "They took all my family's Christmas presents" and said he feels that his house and his family have been violated.

"How can some one march in to your house a couple of days before Christmas and steal your family's presents with out warrant or reason," he said.

The McKearney/McCaughey Cumann condemned the attack at Christmas and said: "It is not just an attack on an individual but an attack on the entire Republican Community in Tyrone and shows once again that the only thing the Crown Forces are interested in is destroying Republicanism. These attacks only strengthen our resolve we will not bow down to the British colonial police."

4. VISIT OF BRITISH QUEEN CONDEMNED

IN A statement on December 31 the Francis Hughes Cumann of Republican Sinn Fein, Glasgow, deplored the recent actions of the 26-County President Mary McAleese in meeting with the British Queen on Irish soil.

The statement went on: "The planned invitation by the Free State government to invite the Brit Queen to Dublin in the near future (possibly sometime in early or mid 2006) will be met with strong and determined opposition and protests. Any such visit must be viewed as further evidence by the Free State government of its unquestioning acceptance of British rule in the occupied Six Counties and desire to normalise itsillegal and immoral occupation.

RSF Glasgow condemn totally the actions of the Free State government in pursuing this course of action, and its servile kowtowing to the Brits both politically and economically.

Should the visit in 2006 go ahead, Glasgow RSF will demonstrate in the strongest terms our opposition to the British Queen in Ireland."

5. CPT TO VISIT IRELAND

THE European Committee for the Prevention of Torture and degrading treatment of prisoners (CPT) will visit jails in ten countries, including Ireland, in 2006. It has criticised the 26 Counties over several aspects of its detention practices particularly in the area of mentally ill prisoners and asylum seekers.

Amnesty International also has criticised the system, in particular the use of padded cells but also for it inappropriate detention of mentally ill prisoners and the detaining, in prison, of failed asylum seekers and those awaiting deportation.

Those detained at the Central Mental Hospital have to slop out daily Jim Loughran has described the conditions in the CMH as 'Dickensian' and said 'conditions there were cruel, inhuman and degrading'. Prisoners in Mountjoy and Portlaoise jails also slop out.

6. US REJECT KYOTO AT CLIMATIC CHANGE SUMMIT IN MONTREAL

AT the UN summit on climatic change in Montreal during the first week in December at which 180 countries were represented, economists warned the US it needed to move immediately on greenhouse gas emissions to combat global warming. The summit was chaired by Canadian environment minister Stephane Dion who proposed the original resolution on how to proceed to implement the UN Framework Convention on Climatic Change adopted at the Earth Summit in 1992.

Twenty-five prominent American economists, including three Nobel laureates, said that there was 'now no credible scientific doubt' that gas emissions were contributing to climatic change. The Canadian prime minister, Paul Martin was also concerned at the long term effects of gas emissions and told the summit, "The developed world cannot walk away from its responsibilities".

The US walked out of the talks but returned, when they realised that almost all the other countries would proceed without them. However they refused to sign up to the agreement (signed by 150 countries) to open talks on mandatory post-2012 reductions in greenhouse gasses. It agreed to join in 'exploratory dialogue' on future steps to combat climate change.

The Union of Concerned Scientists, one of the groups involved in the organisation of the summit, said that inaction will eventually hurt the US economy - action taken now will pay off in the long term. This is in contrast to George Bush's assertion that signing up to the Kyoto Protocol would damage the US economy, (this view is promoted by oil company Exxon Mobil who, it is alleged, has connections with the Bush family). Now the Washington Post (December 5) has connected Exxon Mobil and Harlan Watson, the chief US negotiator at the Montreal summit.

7. WORLD TRADE ORGANISATION (WTO) TO ELIMINATE FARM EXPORT SUBSIDIES

ALL 149 member nations and territories of the WTO recently endorsed the agreement to eliminate farm subsidies by 2013 and other cuts in trade barriers. The final agreement falls far short of the objectives set by the WYO negotiators and agreement was not reached on many contentious issues such as how much rich nations should open their farming markets to imports. Small [cotton]farmers from poor countries such as Bali, Chad etc say they cannot compete in international markets with the richer farmers of the US so the elimination of export subsidies was welcomed by them. The agreement reached also calls on wealthy nations to allow duty-free and quota-free privileges for at least 97% of products exported by the least developed countries by 2008.

8. DENIS DONALDSON ADMITS TO ROLE OF BRITISH SPY

DURING the mid-1980, while Denis Donaldson was spying for the British, several members of the Republican Movement were murdered by the British forces who were operating a shoot-to-kill policy. Questions have to be answered by Donaldson such as the extent of the information he supplied and how many lives were summarily taken due to the information he supplied. Did he supply information on the eight IRA men in Loughgall who were murdered in an SAS ambush in 1987?

Questions must also be answered by the Provos as to why it is taking such a soft line with this and their previous informer. The lesser emotive term 'spying' is being used by the Provos and the media to describe Donaldson's actions - perhaps spying is perceived a lesser evil than informing/touting and as such does not merit a 'death sentence'? It could be construed that those who have given 'safe passage' to those last two informers have to be involved in touting themselves.

Are these two the scapegoats (while not doubting their guilt) to cover a larger 'spying ring'? This would not be the first time that minor touts were killed as touts to cover a major one, Corcoran in Munster to keep Seán Callaghan's cover and Hegarty in Derry to keep an unknown persons cover are but two.

Questions must also be answered by Tony Blair and Bertie Ahern about how much they knew. Did Tony Blair know in October last year when the offices of the Provos was raided and the assembly was put once again on the back burner? Questions also have to be answered by the British Special Branch, MI5 and the RUC/PSNI. Why grant Donaldson a gun licence when this would surely set tongues wagging as to why he was the ly member of the Provos to have a licence for a weapon?

All media have denied they were on the verge of 'outing' Donaldson. If this is the case then by whom was he outed and why? Had the Provos twigged him or had Donaldson outlived his usefulness to the British now that the Provos have surrendered their aspirations and their weapons.

The spin now being pushed by the Provos is that nothing must be allowed to 'undermine the peace process'. Their ambition now is to see the assembly up and running, to sit in Stormont, ALL paid agents of the British, and administer British rule in Ireland for their paymasters. Their war against the British is over and to this end Mary Lou McDonnell has called on Tony Blair to prove that "the British war in Ireland is over".

9. NEW GARDA OMBUDSMAN'S COMMISSION SET UP

JUSTICE Kevin Haugh of the High Court, Conor Brady, former editor of Irish Times and Carmel Foley, Director of Consumer affairs comprise the new Garda Ombudsman's Commission set up by the Minister for Justice in the 26-County Administration Michael McDowell.

The Commission will have the power to carry out independent investigations into complaints against individual gardaí with power to access files and conduct independent interviews. It will also have the power to investigate incidents where no complaints have been made but where a garda may have committed an offence.

The Commission will replace the existing Garda Complaints Bureau where the gardaí investigate themselves. Only time will tell whether the new Commission will be more effective that the old Garda Complaints Bureau.

10. US SENATE FACE PROBLEMS OVER RENEWAL OF PATRIOT ACT

US Senators are in dispute over the renewal of the Patriot Act, enacted after the attacks of September 11, 2001. Republicans and Democrats have joined together to discuss the implications of the Patriot Act. They have raised concerns that it gives too much power to the FBI and CIA in demanding personal and business records [of those under suspicion] without any checks or supervision.

11. HUGE PAY INCREASES FOR POLITICIANS AND THEIR CRONIES AS HOMELESS FIGURES RISE

ACCORDING to the Irish Times of 31/12/05, a pay rise for politicians will see Taoiseach Bertie Ahern's salary rise by €5,500 to €252,000 from January 1, 2006. With various increases throughout the year, his salary has risen by €25,000 in the last year - this is more than many a workers yearly income. Others to benefit from this latest 3.5% pay increase are ministers, (former ministers will also benefit with increased pensions), senior civil servants, heads of semi-State companies, county managers and judges.

Mary Harney, Tainiste, salary increased to €216,694; the Attorney General salary to €202,020; Ministers of State will be on €150,000; the most senior secretaries general of government departments will now earn almost €240,000, with the standard rate for the position now nearly €190,000.

(Those employed under a new system that requires them to make a 5% contribution to their pension arrangements will get almost €10,000 extra to cover their pension payments). Deputy secretaries will get €149,288 and assistant secretaries €126,186, plus another 5% to cover their pension contribution.

The chief justice will have a salary of over €250,000; Supreme Court judges will get almost €220,000; High Court judges €205,000, Circuit Court judges €150,000 and District Court judges €125,000.

In the midst of such affluence the problem of homelessness, exclusion and marginalisation is worse than it was 30 years ago according to Trust, a support group for the homeless. Alice Leahy, director and co-founder of Trust, criticised the 26-County Administration for allowing services, which could alleviate the problem, to 'become strangled by bureaucracy instead of focusing on the day-to-day needs of people on the street'. She said that while we have achieved much material success 'many of us are less tolerant of those who cannot keep pace and fall by the wayside. The price of accommodation has soared and this has forced people out on to the street'. She also said that 'our increasing inability to as a society to find space and understanding for those who cannot cope and fit in'.

In Village magazine, Vincent Brown quotes a new book Out of Reach: Inequalities in the Irish Housing System, by PJ Drury and Michael Punch, two academics in Trinity College, Dublin, who believe that those in need of housing in the 26-Counties could be 106,000 households - 250,000 people and they point out that 'this calculation does not take into account all elements or categories such as homeless persons, refugees or those ... inappropriately housed or have no home at all'.

House prices have soared with the result that many on low incomes cannot hope to purchase a home and depend on local authorities.

However, fewer than seven percent of households are now housed by local authorities. Low-income families therefore have to rent from the private sector, which eats into their income and so the cycle of poverty continues.

12. POVERTY IN IRELAND

"EIGHT percent of all children are severely poor in Northern Ireland.
That represents 32,000 little souls, one-in-five of whom do not have fresh fruit and vegetables or meat in their diet and one-in-seven of whom do not have three meals a day" according to Church of Ireland Primate Dr Robin Eames. At a conference on December 6 entitled De-Coding Society representatives from voluntary, statutory and Church agencies came together to 'highlight the big issues and to seek inputs about where the churches can make a meaningful impact' on child poverty.

The issue of child poverty in the 26-Counties has been highlighted over the last months by a variety of concerned agencies. The Combat Poverty Agency has publicised extensively the problem faced by families who live either on or below the breadline. One of the indicators used in assessing poverty has been those who cannot afford a winter coat or pair of shoes and who do not have three meals a day.

According to figures from the Central Statistics Office (CSO) in the year 2004,19.4% of the population was at risk of poverty. Among those most at risk are lone parent households, 48%; ill or disabled, 47%; unemployed, 37% and those living alone 36%.

Figures also show that the top income group had five times more income than the bottom group. Welfare benefits accounted for almost 90% of gross household income in the lowest income bracket. Fr Sean Healy of Conference of Religious in Ireland (CORI) said that social policies should address poverty among the poorest, the unemployed or the working poor, through increased welfare rates and refundable tax credits respectively.

13. IRISH PRISONERS IN BRITAIN

THERE are over 900 Irish nationals in jail in Britain, and imprisonment is now a first rather than last resort to deal with minor offenders, according to The Irish Commission for Prisoners Overseas (ICPO).

Britain has the highest prison population per capita in Europe. Fr Gerry McFlynn, London office Director, who regularly visits Irish prisoners in London, Coventry, Birmingham, Manchester and Liverpool, said that Irish prisoners live lives of quiet desperation and that they still face problems with racism both from prison staff and other prisoners. Many families are unable to finance trips to see their relatives and the some families are not informed if their relatives are ill and taken to hospital. Around 30 prisoners have applied for repatriation but the process can take up to four years.

14. CALL FOR BLANKET BAN ON CIA PLANES

IN A statement on December 23 anti-war activists demanded the Dublin Administration bring in a blanket ban on CIA and American war planes at 26-County airports to prevent the torture of foreign prisoners.

The Irish Human Rights Commission called for aircraft to be inspected and retired Free State army commandant and peace campaigner Ed Horgan said prohibiting US military was the only way to ensure Ireland could abide by international obligations.

"We welcome, belatedly, the pressure. But I would go further than that - all US military aircraft should be banned," he said.

"I believe it is very likely that prisoners were transported through Shannon at some stage in the past and CIA planes were being used in the process of taking prisoners to be tortured.

"The CIA should be banned from going through for past offences."

The IRHC urged the 26-County government to urgently seek an agreement with US authorities to allow inspections of aircraft suspected of involvement in so-called extraordinary renditions.

Ed Horgan, who was arrested and detained at Shannon on December 22 as he travelled to England, said he was very concerned about reports that 2,000 unnamed and undocumented prisoners had been moved out of Europe in the last few weeks.

Dr Maurice Manning, IHRC president, said 26-County officials had an obligation to prevent actions on our soil which could facilitate torture.

"In the Commission's view, and in light of Ireland's international legal obligations in this field, reliance on diplomatic assurances is not sufficient to protect against the risk of torture and other forms of ill-treatment," Dr Manning said.

"Given the fact that the obligation on the state to protect against all forms of torture, inhuman and degrading treatment is an absolute one, and given the gravity of the allegations that have been made to date and which are under active investigation by the Council of Europe, it is not sufficient for the Government to rely on such assurances."

Richard Boyd Barrett, Irish Anti-War Movement spokesperson, welcomed the recommendation but insisted US aircraft should no longer have free run of Shannon.

"The report makes it clear that it is not acceptable to turn a blind eye to the fact that Shannon may have been used to facilitate torture," he said.

"It looks fairly clear that the US is involved in organising a very elaborate systems of kidnap and torture. It is good that there is more pressure on the Government to end its shameful connection with the US military at Shannon."

Under domestic and international law Ireland is obliged to ensure prisoners do not travel through the state en route to countries where they may be tortured.

Dermot Ahern, 26-County foreign affairs minister, pressed US secretary of state Condoleeza Rice on the matter in Washington earlier this month.

She insisted prisoners where not being transported through Shannon.

15. ELECTION TURNOUT DOWN 12%

THE number of people who voted in the General Election in the Six Counties in 2004 fell by almost 12%, according to a report from the Electoral Commission published on December 15.

The report said the 12 largest decreases in voter turnout in the UK occurred in Six-County constituencies, with 93,644 fewer people casting their ballots in the election compared to 2001. The Commission also reported that over 20,000 ballot papers were also spoiled during the election.

ENDS

January 2nd, 2006 - Happy 104th Birthday, Dan Keating

2006-01-02T13:56:00.000-06:00

Dan Keating, from Ballygambon, Castlemaine Co. Kerry,
fought with the Irish Republican Army in the War
of Independence against the British between 1919 -1921.
Dan, who turned 104 years old on January 2nd, 2006,
maintains that there will never be peace in Ireland until
the country is united.

Listen to Keating, patron of Republican Sinn Féin,
describe buying his first rifle here.

Nov. 2, 1986 - Sinn Féin Reconstitutes after Constitution is Broken at Ard Fheis

2005-11-02T23:41:00.000-06:00

PROVOS HAVE NO RIGHT TO USE SINN FÉIN NAME

IN A statement on May 12 Republican Sinn Féin
Vice-President Des Dalton said that the continued use
by the Provisionals of the honoured and historic Sinn
Féin name was an affront to all Republicans.

He went on: "Their attempts to lay claim on its
centenary by events such as those organised in Naas on
May 14 are to be deplored. The Provisionals, no more
than any of the other groups who departed from Sinn
Féin over the years, such as Fine Gael, Fianna Fáil or
the Worker's Party/Democratic Left, cannot claim any
link with the organisation founded at Dublin's Rotunda
100 years ago, to do so flies in the face of
historical reality.

"At the 1986 Ard Fheis they breached the constitution
of Sinn Féin, which since 1917 upholds the All-Ireland
Republic proclaimed in 1916. By accepting the
partitionist system, they placed themselves outside of
Sinn Féin. In the years since they have been drawn
further into the partitionist system to the point
where they have sat in a revamped Stormont as British
ministers of the crown, administering British rule in
Ireland and look set in the near future to sit on the
Six County policing boards from where they will help
to police British rule on the ground.

"Contrary to the very philosophy upon which Sinn Féin
was founded, which was to ensure that the Irish people
themselves administered political power in Ireland
rather than the British parliament at Westminster,
they are have operated offices from Westminster as
well as drawing salaries from the British state.
Republican Sinn Féin alone can trace an unbroken
organisational link with the body founded in 1905,
since 1917 we have preserved intact the Republican
constitution of our organisation despite a number of
attempts to compromise or dilute it.

"This year as we proudly celebrate 100 years of
unbroken continuity we call on the Provisionals to
desist from laying claim to the proud name of Sinn
Féin. As the Worker's Party eventually did in 1982
they should face up to the reality that have no right
to use the name of an organisation which in their case
they walked away from almost 19 years ago. Events such
as those in Naas are an attempt to deny this reality."

- From Irish Republican Information Service (no.17)

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Video from '86 Ard Fheis:

http://rapidshare.de/files/7121176/1986_Sinn_Fein_Ard_Fheis.wmv.html To download, click the "Free" button at the bottom of the page, wait for the countdown to complete, and then right-click the link that appears.
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Speech by Ruairi O’Bradaigh, President of Sinn Féin,
opposing the motion on abstentionism (Resolution 162),
Sinn Féin Ard Fheis, Dublin, (2 November 1986)

"Fellow delegates, I have to say this, and I said this
in Strokestown when we had our Comhairle meeting there
on 14 September. There’s a total contradiction in this
discussion. In fact, the discussion is totally out of
order if this constitution of Sinn Fein means
anything. Because it says there that no person who
approves or supports candidates going into Leinster
House, Stormont or Westminster shall be admitted to
membership or allowed to retain membership, and yet on
this floor we have plenty of resolutions proposing to
go into Leinster House and indeed some of them
proposing to go into Westminster and Stormont as well
because they want abstentionism ended altogether. The
constitution has been, and is being, flouted and has
not been made effective.

The first step was to remove that article, have a
year’s discussion and come back the following year and
make the necessary changes. Instead, it’s all
telescoped and I would submit that it’s totally out of
order. Number two, the resolution that proposes, when
strong enough, a 32 county constituent assembly, to be
joined there by other revolutionary forces, is a
re-affirmation of the fundamental principles of our
constitution a and b. And it says here, and this is a
document which I take seriously, because I’ve worked
on it for many, many years, and for many Ard
Fheiseanna in between, and it says first the
allegiance of Irish men and Irish women is due to the
sovereign Irish republic proclaimed in 1916. It
doesn’t say that we go into Leinster House or Stormont
or Westminster.

The fundamental principle, that every thing is a
tactic, but outstanding on this document it says it’s
a fundamental principle, but secondly that the
sovereignty and unity of the republic are inalienable
and non-renunciable. In other words, they can’t be
given away and are not a matter for reconsideration.
They are absolute.

We were told last night that we can agree to disagree
on fundamentals, how in the name of heavens can we do
that? If there are fundamentals there we either accept
them as in the constitution or we go another road and
we disagree with them. Now [motion] 162 is clearly a
departure from those two basic principles enshrined in
our constitution and there’s no proposal on the floor
of the Ard Fheis to do away with that. How can those
two principles stand while proposals to go into
Leinster House or any of these other places stand at
the same time? They will not fit in the one house.

Further, the resolution from Roscommon proposes to
re-assemble the constituent assembly, an all-Ireland
parliament.

And I want to ask the Ard Fheis this, where are our
revolutionary socialists, how do you expect to build a
democratic socialist republic out of Leinster House?
How can serious social change come out of Leinster
House? How can the fundamental change in property
relations come out of Leinster House? No way can it do
that. What we are asked to do today is to tip the
scales that little bit in favour of parliamentary,
constitutional and reformist action. What about
Stormont and Westminster? If you raise that you’ll be
told they’re not an issue. But naturally people want
to know what’s down the road. Are they in doubt or are
they also for consideration in due course. People want
to know and they want to know now, and they have not
been told.

A few years ago, if you mentioned about Leinster House
you were told you were raising bogey men. Did you want
to make accusations? Did you want to make charges?
What were you talking about? And then suddenly it all
collapses on it.

The courts have been mentioned, the courts were always
a tactic in capital charges, in test cases and when
permitted by the military authority of this movement
to do so. They were never a principle.

With regards to Councils, Sinn Fein has always been in
the Councils and that is as near as to the enemy
system that we dare to go. Sitting in Leinster House
is not a revolutionary activity. Once you go in there,
you sign the roll of the House and accept the
institutions of the state. Once you accept the Ceann
Comhairle's rulings you will not be able to do it
according to your rules. You will have to go according
to their rules and they can stand up and gang up on
you, and put you outside in the street and keep you
outside in the street.

John A. Murphy was quoted here today. I'd like to
quote Dick Walsh, political correspondent of The Irish
Times last Thursday. He said about us, "The party is
struggling with its own contradictions, if its
delegates this weekend give adequate support that
their candidates should take their seats in the Dail
", he calls it, " they will whether they say so or
not, be recognising the legitimacy of the Oireachtas
and as a direct and inescapable consequence of that
the illegitimacy of any force other than the army, the
Free State army, claiming to wage war on behalf of the
Irish people"

I will not accept the Free State Army. The media, the
Irish Times on 30 August said, wherever it got its
information, in a leading article "There’s a
considerable body of support within the Provisional
movement (as they called it) for entering parliament,"
and then went on to say it is the only road forward.
The Irish Press in an editorial on 20 October said
"Politicians may object to sitting down with these
terrible people, but, after all, isn’t it a small
price to pay to emesh them in the constitutional
system." They’re very clear as to what’s happening.

The destabilisation of the state, we are told, will
result and the movement will be strengthened. Always
has it been otherwise, every time has it been
otherwise, the movement suffered and the state was
strengthened. Four times since 1922 it happened, all
ended in failure and ended ultimately in the
degradation and shame of collaborating with the
British, of handing over our political prisoners to
them and running counter to what they originally set
out to do.

A Chairde, I put it to you this way, we have not been
wrong for 65 years, we have not been wrong for all
those 70 years — we have been right and we should
continue to be right. I ask you to reject 162 and to
accept 184, and, in Gods name, don’t let it come about
that tomorrow, the next day or the day after, that
Haughey, FitzGerald, Spring, and those in London and
Belfast who oppose it so much, can come out and say,
"Ah, it took 65 years, but we have them at last," and
those in Leinster House who have done everything, the
firing squad, the prison cells, the internment camps,
the hunger strike, the lot, and weren’t able to break
this movement, that they can come and say at last we
have them towing the line. It took us 65 years but
they come in from the polls, they come in from the
wilderness and we have them now. Never, that’s what I
say to you — never."

---------------------------------------------

Speech by Martin McGuinness at the 1986 Ard Fheis

"Sadly, the inference that the removal of
abstentionism would lead to the demise of military
opposition to British rule has indeed called into
question the committment of the IRA to pursue this
struggle to a successful conclusion. I reject any such
suggestion, and I reject the notion that entering
Leinster House would mean an end to Sinn Féin's
unapologetic support for the right of Irish people to
oppose in arms the British forces of occupation. That,
my friends, IS A PRINCIPLE which a minority in this
hall might doubt, but which I believe all our
opponents clearly understand. Or position is clear,
and it will never, never, never change. The war
against British rule must continue until freedom is
achieved.
...we are told, among other things, that we are
counter-revolutionaries, and that if we lose this
vote, we will be discredited. It's sad and surprising
that this could have been said by a Republican. The
British government have a different opinion of us,
however. They fear this movement. They fear this
leadership. They have every right to fear us because,
in or out of Leinster House, we lead the most
dangerous and committed revolutionary force in Ireland
for 65 years.
...Finally, those opposed to us on this issue know
there isn't going to be any split in Sinn Féin. They
also know that the ranks of the IRA contain a minority
of Volunteers who, while opposed to the removal of
abstentionism from Leinster House, have committed
themselves to stand shoulder to shoulder in unity with
our comrades. They will not split. They will not walk
away from the armed struggle. They are the real
revolutionaries. If you allow yourselves to be lead
out of this hall today, the only place you're going is
home. You will be walking away from the struggle.
Don't go, my friends. We will lead you to the
Republic."

-- Martin McGuinness at the '86 Ard Fheis

Betrayal will not end at arms destruction

2005-09-26T17:43:00.000-05:00

Press Release/Preas Ráiteas

Republican Sinn Féin

Teach Dáithí Ó Conaill,

223 Parnell Street

Dublin 1, Ireland

Sinn Féin Poblachtach

Teach Dáithí Ó Conaill,

223 Sráid Pharnell, BÁC 1, Éire

For further information contact:

Des Dalton: Vice-President: 086-329 1809

Ruairí Óg Ó Brádaigh

Publicity Officer: Dublin 872 9747,

Betrayal will not end at arms destruction

Statement by Ruairí Ó Brádaigh, President, Republican Sinn Féin

The betrayal of the Republican Cause by the Provisional Movement will not end with the destruction of arms at the behest of the British government. They will be required by their masters to accept and participate in the British police in Ireland.

Bobby Sands and the other hunger strikers died agonising deaths rather than wear a British convict uniform. Now the Provisionals will don British police uniforms to enforce British rule in Ireland against the Irish people.

With the destruction of their own arms the Provisional IRA is no longer an army and should dissolve immediately and stop the pretence. IRA General Order No 11 (see The Long War by Brendan O'Brien) stigmatises such action as an act of "treachery" to be dealt with as such.

Irish history teaches us that there will always be an IRA to oppose English rule here. It was not merely for civil rights under British rule in the Six Counties that the British occupation forces were resisted and such great sacrifices endured.

A really permanent peace will be secured by British disengagement. A new four-province Ireland will give full power and decision-making to all sections of the population, both nationalist and unionist.

ENDS

Sept. 21st, 1881 - Eamonn Ceannt is born

2005-09-21T21:29:00.000-05:00

On the 21st of September, 1881, Irish revolutionary Eamonn Ceannt was born in Glenamaddy, County Galway. In 1908, Ceannt joined Sinn Féin and the Irish Republican Brotherhood. Eventually, he became a member of the IRB Military Council, and was a signatory of the Proclamation of the Republic. During the Easter Rising, Ceannt was stationed in the South Dublin Union, where he and his force of 130 men, which included Cathal Brugha, fought with remarkable resiliance. As a member of the Provisional Government, Ceannt was executed by a British firing squad in Kilmainham Gaol on the 8th of May, 1916.

"I leave for the guidance of other revolutionaries, who may tread the path which I have trod, this advice; never treat with the enemy, never to surrender to his mercy, but to fight to a finish." - Eamonn Ceannt